Arthur Charles Fox-Davies · Public domain edition · 343 cards · 93 chapters
Arthur Charles Fox-Davies argues that heraldry proper emerged in medieval Europe rather than deriving from ancient symbols, and he sets out the conditions that produced armorial bearings. This deck covers his distinctions among armory, heraldry, and earlier symbolism, plus his account of the Crusades, helmets, surcoats, and Japanese mon.
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Chapter 1 · Question
How does Fox-Davies distinguish armory from heraldry?
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Chapter 1 · Answer
The author argues armory is the science whose rules govern the use, display, meaning, and knowledge of pictured signs on shield, helmet, or banner. Heraldry is wider: it comprises everything within a herald's duties, including regulation of ceremonials and pedigree matters, which are not armory. Armory relates only to emblems and devices, while "armoury" refers to weapons themselves or their storage place.
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CHAPTER I (part 1)4 cards
How does Fox-Davies distinguish armory from heraldry?
The author argues armory is the science whose rules govern the use, display, meaning, and knowledge of pictured signs on shield, helmet, or banner. Heraldry is wider: it comprises everything within a herald's duties, including regulation of ceremonials and pedigree matters, which are not armory. Armory relates only to emblems and devices, while "armoury" refers to weapons themselves or their storage place.
Chapter 1
What does Fox-Davies say about tracing armory to ancient civilizations?
The author argues nothing definite is known about armory's origin. Old heraldic books cited Israelite tribes, Greeks, Romans, Assyrians, and Saxons, but the author contends armory traces to the practice of semi-civilized nations adopting animal and deity symbols, such as North American Indian totems. He rejects the "Boke of St. Albans" claim that Christ was a gentleman of coat armour as fable.
Chapter 1
Why does Fox-Davies reject the gryphon and double-headed eagle as proof of heraldry's antiquity?
The author argues these creatures were supposed to have originated from dimidiation of two coats of arms in impalement by marriage, but both were known ages earlier. He concludes heraldry found its whole range of forms and charges already existing, and none of these figures owe their being to heraldry. Ancient artists drew lions as they liked, regardless of armory's laws, which did not then exist.
Chapter 1
What kinds of symbolism does Fox-Davies accept as genuinely heraldic?
The author denies that an argent field meant purity, gules meant royal ancestry, a saltire meant a captured city, or a lion rampant meant noble qualities. He accepts canting symbolism: Fletchers bearing arrows because the name comes from the arrow-maker's trade, foxes in Fox, lions in Lyons, horses in Trotter, acorns in Oakes. He also accepts reasonable symbolism like bezants for bankers and woolpacks for textile merchants.
Chapter 1
CHAPTER I (part 2)4 cards
What two qualifications does the author say a coat of arms requires?
The author states that a good, though imperfect, definition of a coat of arms requires that the design be hereditary and connected with armour. He notes Greek and Roman shields and crests met the armour requirement and were perhaps symbolical of the owner, but lacked heredity, with no proof of continuity even within a single lifetime.
Chapter 2
Why does the author reject continuity between ancient symbolism and modern armory?
The author argues that although Egyptian, Greek, Roman, and other civilisations developed ordered symbolism akin to armory, these were distinct civilisations, and European civilisation is a new development rather than their continuation. He therefore considers it unjustifiable to establish continuity between their symbolism and our present armory, which he sees as a re-development ab initio.
Chapter 2
What evidence does the author cite against armory existing at the Norman Conquest?
The author accepts J. R. Planché's conclusion that armory did not exist at the time of the Conquest, based principally on the entire absence of armory from the seals of that period and from the Bayeux tapestry. He adds that pre-Conquest England left no trace that Saxons, Danes, or Celts knew or practised armory.
Chapter 2
How do Japanese mon compare to European armorial bearings?
The author says Japanese family tokens (mon) fulfil nearly all the essentials of armory, though they may seem peculiar to European eyes. They appear on weapons and armour and are used lavishly for decoration of clothing, rooms, and furniture, much as armorial devices are used in Europe. Upper-class Japanese wear the mon in three places on the kimono, and servants wear a service badge similarly.
Chapter 2
CHAPTER I (part 3)4 cards
What effect did the Crusades have on the origin of armory in Europe?
The author argues the Crusades caused the origin of armory as we now know it to be practically coeval throughout Europe, and also made a large proportion of heraldic charges, terms, and rules identical across all European countries. The spirit of emulation led nations and individuals to vie in feats of honour, elevating war to a sacred duty.
Chapter 3
Why did the closed helmet create a need for heraldic identification?
Introduced in the early thirteenth century, the closed helmet hid the wearer's face from his followers, so some means was needed for them to identify the man under whom they served. Followers naturally identified him by the decoration of his shield, the ornaments of his helmet, and the coat or surcoat worn over his mail.
Chapter 3
Why was the surcoat adopted by Crusaders, and how did it get decorated?
The surcoat was a product of the Crusades: Crusaders moved from cooler Europe to the intolerable heat of the East, and the surcoat and lambrequin protected metal armour and helmet from the sun's rays and discomfort, and also helped prevent rust from rain and damp. The surcoat was decorated with the same signs painted on the shield, hence 'coat of arms.'
Chapter 3
According to the chapter, when was the evolution of armory practically complete?
The author argues that by the time the closed helmet had developed the necessity of distinction and the identification of a man with the pictured signs he wore or carried, the evolution of armory into the science we know was practically complete. This followed the Crusades' unifying influence and the surcoat's decoration with shield signs.
Chapter 3
CHAPTER II4 cards
According to the chapter, what was the root and foundation of armory?
The author argues that armory rested on the wide distinction between upper and lower classes across Europe. Land was held under feudal tenure in return for military service, making every landholder noble or "gentle." Since these leaders needed arms so followers could distinguish them in battle, all who held land used arms, and all who used arms were gentlemen.
Chapter 4
What did the 1637 Earl Marshal's Court case involving W. Baker concern?
It turned on the definition of "gentleman." Baker complained Adam Spencer called him a base, lying fellow; Spencer pleaded Baker was no gentleman and so not entitled to redress in that court. Clarenceux examined the point, citing Robert Cooke's 1573 confirmation of arms to George Baker's line, showing the word meant a man entitled to bear arms.
Chapter 4
What did the Scrope and Grosvenor case of 1390 establish about arms?
The author states it showed four things: a man could obtain a definite right to his arms; that right could be enforced against another; the Crown and Sovereign had supreme control and jurisdiction over arms; and the Sovereign could and did grant arms. From then on the Crown, directly and through Kings of Arms, continued granting armorial bearings.
Chapter 4
What were Visitations, and why were they ordered?
Under Elizabeth and successors, Kings of Arms were commanded to make perambulations through the country to pull down and deface improper arms, record arms properly borne by authority, and compel those using arms without authority to obtain it or stop. These perambulations were called Visitations; a stringent proclamation on illegal assumption of arms had already appeared under Henry V.
Chapter 4
CHAPTER III (part 1)2 cards
Who heads the College of Arms and what authority was delegated to him?
The Earl Marshal is now head of the College of Arms. The chapter explains that the whole control both of armory and of the College has been delegated to him, with the exception of that part which the Crown has retained in its own hands. Below the Earl Marshal come the Kings of Arms, the Heralds of Arms, and the Pursuivants of Arms.
Chapter 5
What provinces do Clarenceux and Norroy hold, and which is the older title?
Clarenceux's jurisdiction extends over the south, east, and west parts of England from the river Trent southwards; Norroy's covers the remaining part northward of that river. The chapter states Norroy is considered the most ancient title, being the only one in England taken from the local situation of his province. Norroy was anciently written Norreys and Norreis, meaning King of Arms of the people in the north.
Chapter 5
CHAPTER III (part 2)4 cards
Who instituted Garter King of Arms, and when was it proven to occur?
Henry V instituted the office of Garter King of Arms, though the exact date is uncertain. Mr. Anstis proved it must have taken place after 22 May and before 3 September 1417. Garter was made sovereign within the office of arms over all other officers, subject to the Crown of England.
Chapter 6
What duties and privileges did Garter King of Arms hold by his constitution?
Per Leake's summary, Garter must be a native of England and a gentleman bearing arms. He corrects usurped arms, grants arms to deserving persons and supporters to nobility and Knights of the Bath, administers oaths to officers of arms, carries the order's ensign to foreign princes, and assigns lords their places in Parliament. He received £100 yearly from the Exchequer plus £100 from the order's revenue.
Chapter 6
What fees were owed to Kings of Arms and heralds in Richard II's time?
Fees included £100 at the King's coronation, 100 marks when the King first displayed his banners, 40 marks when the King's son was knighted, and £50 when the King married. At tournaments, heralds present took the vanquished combatant's accoutrements; from rebels who fled a fortified camp without battle, they took the carts, carriages, and tools left behind.
Chapter 6
How were pursuivants created, and what are the four current ones?
Berry describes creation by a lord: a herald led the candidate by the left hand, asked the lord what name he would give, poured wine and water on his head, and put the lord's coat over him athwart. The four pursuivants of the College of Arms are Rouge-Croix, Blue-Mantle, Rouge-Dragon, and Portcullis.
Chapter 6
CHAPTER III (part 3)4 cards
What distinguishes a Herald from a Trumpeter, according to the chapter?
The chapter states there never was a Trumpeter who made a proclamation or wore a tabard, and never a Herald who blew a trumpet. Trumpeters nearly always accompanied Heralds to proclaim their presence and call attention to their proclamations. The author notes the confusion between their costume and functions has been confined to the uninitiated and the theatrical stage.
Chapter 7
What collar do heralds and Kings of Arms wear, and how do they differ?
All heralds and Kings of Arms, but not pursuivants, wear the collar of SS. Heralds' collars are of silver, while those of a King of Arms are silver gilt, and the latter have a portcullis on each shoulder. The form is unchanged save that the badge is the Sovereign's badge for the time being. Collars of SS are also worn by Serjeants-at-Arms and the Lord Chief Justice.
Chapter 7
What is the Scottish heralds' ebony rod actually for?
The chapter explains the rod is not a rod of office. Scottish heralds make Royal Proclamations from the Market Cross in Edinburgh, reading from printed copies that are poster-sized. On a windy day the herald winds the large paper around his ebony staff, tipped with ivory, slowly unwinding it as he reads, so the rod is a practical reading aid.
Chapter 7
What does the chapter say about the fleur-de-lis on Lyon King of Arms' baton?
Lyon's baton is blue enamel with gold extremities, powdered with roses, thistles, and fleurs-de-lis. Sir James Balfour Paul remarks it is one of the few pieces of British official regalia still adorned with the ancient ensigns of France. The author argues the fleur-de-lis is probably an oversight, since English regalia is strictly updated as Royal arms change, and this baton should have been discarded.
Chapter 7
CHAPTER IV4 cards
What is the earliest surviving monumental brass in England, and what does it depict?
The earliest extant English brass is that of Sir John D'Aubernoun the elder at Stoke D'Abernon, Surrey, dated 1277. It shows the knight in complete chain mail with a coif de mailles joined to a hauberk, long chausses, poleyns of cuir bouilli, and a surcoat girdled at the waist. A guige holds the long sword; pryck spurs are on his feet, which rest on a lion. The dexter shield bears Azure, a chevron, or.
Chapter 8
How did engravers represent heraldic tinctures on brasses?
According to the chapter, the engraver left the brass surface untouched to represent or, sometimes gilding or polishing it. Lead or another white metal was inlaid for argent, and other tinctures were made by cutting away part of the plate and filling the depression with coloured resinous substance. Furs can be distinguished except vair, which looks like rows of small upright shields alternating with reversed rows.
Chapter 8
What are 'canting' arms, and which brasses in the chapter exemplify them?
Canting arms are a pun on the bearer's name. Sir Roger de Trumpington's brass (1289) shows Azure, crusilly and two trumpets palewise or, with a label of five points for difference, repeated on shield, ailettes, and scabbard. Sir Robert de Setvans at Chartham (1307) wears seven winnowing fans, a pun on Septvans. The merchant Walter Pescod's gown bore peascods.
Chapter 8
How were ladies' arms arranged on the heraldic mantle in brasses?
The chapter states that ladies wore their husband's arms on the mantle or outer garment and their own on the kirtle. Later the fashion changed to emblazoning the husband's arms on the dexter side and the wife's own on the sinister side of the mantle. The brass of Margaret Percy, second wife of the 1st Earl of Cumberland, at Skipton, illustrates this arrangement.
Chapter 8
CHAPTER V4 cards
What is the minimum requirement for a lawful coat of arms, and can a crest exist alone?
A shield of arms is the necessary minimum; arms can exist without a crest, but in this country a crest cannot lawfully exist without its complementary coat of arms. For the last two centuries no original grant of personal arms has been issued without a crest, except grants to women, grants of quarterings and impalements, regrants, and grants of impersonal arms.
Chapter 9
Why do arms without a crest carry a special distinction?
Because for the last two centuries it has been impossible to obtain a grant of arms without a necessarily accompanying grant of crest, arms that lawfully have no crest must be at least two hundred years old. The author argues this makes such arms decidedly distinctive, and he criticizes ancient families like Astley and Pole who invent unauthorized crests despite having unquestionable arms.
Chapter 9
What is the sole exception the author cites of a crest existing legitimately without arms?
The family of Buckworth, who at the Visitations exhibited arms and a crest. Their arms infringed another family's, and no sufficient proof was produced, so the arms were respited while the crest was allowed, presumably tentatively. In 1806 a Royal Licence led to the Buckworth arms being regranted with an added ermine spot, rectifying the case.
Chapter 9
What does an ordinary commoner's armorial bearing usually consist of, and is a motto required?
It usually consists of shield, crest, and motto, with helmet and mantling added when a crest is displayed. The helmet is not specifically granted and is a matter of inherent right, so it may be placed above a shield even without a crest. The motto is usual but not a necessity; more coats of arms have lacked a motto than shields have lacked a crest.
Chapter 9
CHAPTER VI4 cards
According to the chapter, what determines the shape of a heraldic shield?
The author argues there is no law on the subject: a shield may be depicted in any shape the imagination suggests and that has been accepted as a shield's shape. Shapes are purely the result of artistic design, determined by the design theory dominating decoration at each period. The lozenge is the one exception, reserved for and indicative of the achievements of the female sex.
Chapter 10
How did the escarbuncle originate as a heraldic charge?
Metal clasps and studs were added to shields to strengthen them, especially the parts exposed to blows. Later their purpose was misunderstood and they were treated as genuine heraldic charges, stereotyped into hereditary designs. The clasps in the middle formed the buckle or umbo, with circularly arranged metal snaps reaching the edge, called the Buckelrîs, known in England as the escarbuncle.
Chapter 10
What rule governs crests for clergy, and how is a bishop's grant handled?
The laws of armory have always denied bishop, archbishop, and cardinal the right to use a crest; a clergyman below episcopal rank may use one if he possesses it. A bishop's patent shows shield and mitre only, but since Church of England clergy need no celibacy, the crest is granted to his descendants in a separate clause, depicted apart from the marginal emblazonment.
Chapter 10
What was the Tartsche, and what error arose from its spear-rest?
The Tartsche or Tartscher was a jousting shield that came into use in the second half of the fourteenth century, smaller and concave, with a circular indentation on the knight's right as a spear-rest. Later heraldic decoration symmetrically repeated the spear-rest on the sinister side, turning a useful fact into mere design; if introduced, it should be on the dexter side.
Chapter 10
VI.3 cards
What did the Royal Arms look like after the Union with Scotland in 1707?
The arms of England ("Gules, three lions," etc.) were impaled with those of Scotland, with the tressure not continued down the palar line. This impaled coat of England and Scotland was placed in the first and fourth quarters, France in the second, and Ireland in the third.
Chapter 11
What Hanover arms were introduced at George I's accession, and in which quarter?
The arms of Hanover were introduced in the fourth quarter: tierced in pairle reversed — 1. Brunswick, gules, two lions passant guardant in pale or; 2. Luneberg, or, semé of hearts gules, a lion rampant azure; 3. Westphalia, gules, a horse courant argent — and on an inescutcheon over the fourth quarter, gules, the crown of Charlemagne as Arch Treasurer of the Holy Roman Empire.
Chapter 11
Why did the Hanover inescutcheon disappear from the Royal Arms?
At the death of William IV, by the operation of the Salic Law, the crowns of England and Hanover were separated, and the inescutcheon of Hanover disappeared from the Royal Arms. By Royal Warrant at the beginning of Queen Victoria's reign the Royal Arms were declared to be: 1 and 4, England; 2, Scotland; 3, Ireland.
Chapter 11
CHAPTER VII (part 1)3 cards
What are the heraldic metals and colours (tinctures) named in the chapter?
The metals are gold and silver, termed or and argent. The colours, properly the tinctures, are gules (red), azure (blue), vert (green), purpure (purple), and sable (black), though the chapter notes black is not really a colour. The field usually consists of one or more of these recognised metals, colours, or furs.
Chapter 12
What exception to the field-plus-charge rule does the chapter discuss regarding arms of one tincture?
Many writers claimed every coat must have a field and a charge, citing Brittany's plain ermine as the sole exception. The author notes this idea was exploded in Woodward and Burnett, which quote some forty examples. Only one British instance is included, the Berington family of Chester, which the author personally doubts.
Chapter 12
What does the author argue about white as a heraldic colour distinct from argent?
The author claims to be the first heraldic writer to assert a heraldic white in addition to argent. He cites royal labels called white labels and a grant to Thomas Mowbray blazoning a coronet argent but a label white, arguing a white label on a gold lion avoids metal upon metal.
Chapter 12
CHAPTER VII (part 2)4 cards
According to the chapter, which hatching system for heraldic colors ultimately became standard?
The chapter states that several hatching systems were adopted, beginning with Francquart in Belgium circa 1623, followed by Butkens, Petra Sancta, Lobkowitz, Gelenius, and De Rouck. These systems differed and caused confusion. Eventually the system of Petra Sancta, author of Tesseræ Gentilitia, superseded all others and has remained in use to the present time.
Chapter 13
How does the chapter describe the use of tincture hatchings in British official records?
The author questions whether hatching ever received official sanction in Great Britain, noting it was never used in any official record or document of the College of Arms. Most records are in color; the rest are tricked, with colors written in abbreviations like O for or, A for argent, G for gules, Az or B for azure, S for sable, Vt for vert, and Purp for purpure.
Chapter 13
What are the four variations evolved from ermine, and how is each described?
The chapter lists ermines, erminois, pean, and erminites. Ermines is a black field with white ermine spots; erminois is a gold background with black spots; pean is a black ground with gold spots. Erminites is supposedly white with black spots and a red hair on each side, but the author says no British instance is known and relegates it to silly inventions of former heraldic writers.
Chapter 13
What is the origin of vair, and what error does the chapter note about Cinderella?
Vair originated from the fur of a squirrel, the ver or vair (Latin varus), bluey-grey on the back and white underneath, used for lining cloaks. Sewing the skins together produced alternating cup-shaped figures. The chapter notes that Cinderella's slippers, made of this costly fur, were written probably verre for vairé and erroneously translated as "glass" slippers, an error repeated in nursery tale-books.
Chapter 13
CHAPTER VII (part 3)3 cards
What did German heraldry call ordinary vair, and why?
German heraldry called ordinary vair Eisenhüt-feh, or iron hat vair, because when drawn it resembled the old iron hat of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The skin was nicknamed Eisenhutlein (little iron hat) by German heraldic students, a name that later gave rise to many incorrect interpretations. A 1329 seal of Chimrad Pellifex, a furrier and Burgomaster of Vienna, proves vair was so styled at that time.
Chapter 14
According to Fox-Davies, what is the origin of Potent and other vair variants?
The author argues that Potent and its variants arose because early vair was frequently depicted in the form now called Potent, and writers who were ignorant of this treated Potent as a separate fur. He states that all these variations of ancient vair arise from mere accident, generally bad drawing, supplemented by over-refinement on the part of heraldic writers who described them.
Chapter 14
What exceptions to the no-colour-on-colour rule does Fox-Davies identify?
The author notes the rule is broken in British armory by coats such as Lloyd (sable, a spearhead proper, on a chief gules a castle) and Meredith (gules, on a chevron sable, trefoils or), and possibly Thackeray. He argues the rule must be thrown overboard for crests and supporters, is disregarded for augmentations and Scottish cadency bordures, and does not apply when a field is party with equal pieces.
Chapter 14
CHAPTER VII (part 4)4 cards
What is diapering in armory, and is it ever blazoned?
Diapering is a purely artistic and optional decoration; the science of armory has no concern with it. It never forms any part of the blazon and is never officially noticed. It must not be confused with semé, whose objects are an integral part of the arms. The author argues its haphazard employment is not recommended and that it must not be mistaken for a field charged or semé.
Chapter 15
Why was diapering used in stained glass and enamel but not on vellum?
In stained glass and enamel, diaper was introduced expressly to catch and break up the light, greatly increasing brilliance on large flat surfaces. No such purpose could be served in a small painting on vellum, so early heraldic emblazonments are seldom if ever diapered. The author notes its later revival in German heraldic engraving to avoid blank areas where colour was absent.
Chapter 15
How does engrailed differ from invected, and how are points oriented on an ordinary?
Engrailed is a continuous series of small semicircles whose sharp points are placed outwards; invected (invecked) is its exact reverse, with points turned inwards, and all rules for one apply reversed to the other. For ordinaries, 'outwards' means away from the centre of the ordinary; in a chief the points turn downwards. The author cites Baird of Ury as the only field instance he recalls.
Chapter 15
What distinguishes indented from dancetté, and which ordinaries suit dancetté?
Indented may be drawn with any number of teeth made by small straight lines, while dancetté uses a limited number, usually three complete teeth across the field. Dancetté is usually found on a fess or chief, occasionally a bend; the author says a saltire or cross dancetté would be ugly and ill-balanced, and a pile or chevron seems equally impossible.
Chapter 15
CHAPTER VIII4 cards
What is the difference between 'blazon', 'emblazon', and 'trick'?
To blazon is to describe a coat of arms in words; a blazon is such a description. To emblazon means to depict arms in colour. To trick is to illustrate by outline with written indications of colour, and such a picture is called a trick. The term trick has been extended, though the author thinks improperly, to representations using tincture lines.
Chapter 16
In a party-coloured field, which tincture is mentioned first?
The tincture occupying the more important part of the escutcheon is mentioned first. In per bend, per chevron, or per fess, the upper portion comes first; in per pale, the dexter side; in quarterly, the tinctures of the 1st and 4th quarters precede those of the 2nd and 3rd. For gyronny, treat the first quarter as if it were per bend.
Chapter 16
When is the position of charges not specified in a blazon?
Position need not be stated when charges would naturally fall into place around an ordinary: a chevron between three figures has two in chief and one in base; a bend between two has one above and one below; a fess has two above and one below; a cross between four has one in each angle. Otherwise position must be specified.
Chapter 16
How are the chief, quarter, canton, flaunch, and bordure treated in blazon order?
Unlike other ordinaries and sub-ordinaries, these are mentioned after the rest of the shield has been blazoned. So one says 'Argent, a chevron between three mullets gules, on a chief of the last three crescents of the second,' or blazons the field and charges first, then adds a canton or bordure with its own charges.
Chapter 16
CHAPTER IX (part 1)4 cards
What is Fox-Davies's main objection to classifying charges as ordinaries and sub-ordinaries?
The author argues the classification is purely arbitrary, with scarcely any two writers agreeing, and that no rules apply identically to all figures in a class. He notes a pale embattled is embattled on both edges, a fess only on the upper, and a chief only on the lower. He concludes ordinaries are no more than first charges, and the only real rule is one of blazon: a bend, fess, pale, pile, chevron, cross, or saltire must be mentioned before any other charge.
Chapter 17
What rule did old heraldic writers lay down about an ordinary's size, and why does Fox-Davies doubt it?
Former writers laid down that an ordinary must contain the third part of the field. Fox-Davies doubts an ordinary has ever been drawn to that rigid measurement, except the pale drawn per fess counterchanged to divide the shield into six equal parts. He points to the Walpole coat, one fess and two chevrons, which as three-thirds would fill the shield entirely yet must leave field visible.
Chapter 17
How does Fox-Davies compare a bend to a lion rampant?
He says he cannot see the difference between a bend and a lion rampant save their form, yet one is called an ordinary and the other merely a charge. Each has special rules: a bend can be engrailed or invected, a lion guardant or regardant; each can be placed between objects and each can be charged. He argues this shows the futility of ancient rules allowing only one lion and one bend per shield.
Chapter 17
What origin for the ordinaries does Planché propose, and how does Fox-Davies extend it?
Planché scouted deriving ordinaries from the military scarf or articles of raiment, arguing instead they came from cross-pieces of wood placed across a shield for strengthening, citing shields with such cross-pieces from before regularised armory. Fox-Davies pushes the argument further, asserting the ordinaries had no particular symbolism and no definable origin beyond the easy pattern-making of straight lines on a shield.
Chapter 17
CHAPTER IX (part 2)3 cards
In British armory, what distinguishes a fess from bars on a shield?
British armory fixes that only one fess may appear on a shield; if two such figures are found they are termed bars. The author notes it is hardly correct to call the bar a diminutive of the fess, since with only two bars there would be little, if any, reduction in width from the fess.
Chapter 18
How does the chapter define barry versus barruly?
A field of four, six, eight, or ten horizontal pieces of equal width is barry of a stated number, the number always specified; if omitted, barry is usually six, sometimes eight. When the pieces exceed ten, the field is termed barruly, though the term is also sometimes used for ten pieces. Five, seven, or nine pieces are not barry but two, three, or four bars.
Chapter 18
What is the chevron's origin and how is it usually arranged?
The term derives from the French word chevron, meaning a rafter, and the heraldic chevron has the same shape as a gable rafter. It is probably the ordinary of most frequent occurrence in British and French armory, though comparatively rare in German heraldry. It is usually found between three charges, though modern differentiation has introduced four-charge arrangements the author criticizes.
Chapter 18
CHAPTER IX (part 3)4 cards
What distinguishes a cross flory from a cross fleuretté?
The chapter lists the cross flory (Fig. 167) and the cross fleuretté (Fig. 168) as separate varieties of the heraldic cross and states that the cross flory 'must be distinguished from' the cross fleuretté. Both appear among the crosses more regularly in use, alongside the cross botonny, cross moline, cross potent, cross patée or formée, cross patonce, and cross crosslet.
Chapter 19
What does 'fitched' mean when applied to a cross?
Whenever a cross or cross crosslet has the bottom arm elongated and pointed, it is said to be 'fitched' (Figs. 180 and 181). When instead a point is added at the foot, for example of a cross patée, it is termed 'fitchée at the foot' (Fig. 182). So the elongated pointed lower arm and the added foot-point are described by different terms.
Chapter 19
How is the canton positioned and sized relative to other charges?
The canton is supposed to occupy one-third of the chief, which occupies one-third of the field, giving a theoretical area of one-ninth of the field. With the single exception of the bordure used as a mark of cadency or distinction, the canton is superimposed over every other charge or ordinary, and it is theoretically always a later addition to the coat. It is, with rare exceptions, always placed in the dexter chief corner.
Chapter 19
When does a chief surmount or get surmounted by a bordure?
The chief is ordinarily superimposed over the tressure and over the bordure, partly defacing them by eliminating their upper part, which happens when the bordure is part of the original coat. If, however, the chief existed at an earlier period and the bordure is added later as a mark of difference, the bordure surrounds the chief. Conversely, a chief of augmentation or a canton added subsequently surmounts an existing bordure.
Chapter 19
CHAPTER IX (part 4)4 cards
How does a bordure differ from an orle in position and width?
A bordure follows the edge of the shield and touches it; an orle is a narrow bordure following the shield's outline but set within it, showing the field between the orle's outer edge and the escutcheon's edge. An orle is about half the width of a bordure, rather less than more, though the proportion is never exactly maintained.
Chapter 20
What is a tressure, and can it be borne singly?
A tressure is really an orle gemel, i.e. an orle divided into two narrow ones set closely together, one inside the other. It is usually depicted nearer the shield's edge than an orle. The tressure cannot be borne singly, as it would then be an orle; plain tressures appear only as 'concentric orles' in Papworth, and the author doubts those instances as genuine coats.
Chapter 20
What did Scottish Parliament enact about the tressure in 1471, and what happened?
In 1471 the Scottish Parliament passed an Act ordaining that the king should bear the whole arms of the lion without any double tressure. The author notes the kings had borne the tressure for over 220 years by then, making the motive hard to understand. Like many Acts, it never seems to have been carried into effect; the author knows of no Scottish arms without the tressure at or after that period.
Chapter 20
How is the Royal tressure protected, and how has it been granted as an augmentation?
It is now held in England and Scotland that the tressure flory and counterflory, as part of the Royal Arms, is protected and cannot be granted without the Sovereign's express licence, though existing arms containing it may still be matriculated. The author argues most families bearing it by right owe it to augmentation rather than female descent from the Royal House. It was granted to towns like Aberdeen and Perth, to John Scot of Thirlestane, and to foreigners such as Nicolas Canivet.
Chapter 20
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According to the chapter, what earlier coat form did the fret derive from?
The fret is derived from earlier coats whose whole field was covered by interlacing bendlets and bendlets sinister, i.e. fretty. Families now bearing a simple fret, such as Maltravers and Harington, appear in early rolls bearing fretty coats. The chapter notes Maltravers' arms appear fretty as late as 1421, though a Sir Richard Arundel bore 'sable a fret or' at Rouen in 1418.
Chapter 21
What special English terms exist for roundles of different tinctures?
In English heraldry each tincture of roundle has its own name: gold is a bezant, silver a plate, gules a torteau, azure a hurt, sable an ogress, pellet, or gunstone, vert a pomeis, purpure a golpe, tenné an orange, sanguine a guze. Foreign heraldry merely calls them roundles of such and such a colour. Golpes, oranges, and guzes are seldom met with.
Chapter 21
What is a fountain, and how does the chapter explain the Stourton arms?
A fountain is a roundle barry wavy argent and azure, the conventional heraldic representation of water. The Stourton arms are 'Sable a bend or, between six fountains proper.' The chapter explains the six fountains as the six wells feeding the river Stour within Stourton manor; the bend likely represents the park wall or pale dividing three wells from three.
Chapter 21
How does the chapter distinguish the label as a charge from the label as a mark of difference?
As a charge, the label is seldom found except in chief, not often of other than three points, and always drawn throughout, with the upper line extended to the size of the field. It consists of a narrow band across the shield with three short dependent bands. As a mark of difference it is the only one now borne by the Royal Family, assigned by separate personal warrants.
Chapter 21
CHAPTER X4 cards
How does English official heraldry treat specific saints or persons on shields?
English official heraldry (unlike Scottish) has long refused to represent any specific saint or other person in armorial bearings. Many registered arms for ecclesiastical sees and towns are simply conventionalised heraldic versions of much earlier seal designs, so the figure is officially called only 'a saint,' though its identity can often be traced through early seals.
Chapter 22
What is the only British heraldic representation of the Deity, and how is it blazoned?
The arms of the See of Chichester originally represented our Lord seated in glory. It is now blazoned as 'Azure, a Prester [Presbyter] John sitting on a tombstone, in his left hand a mound, his right hand extended all or, with a linen mitre on his head, and in his mouth a sword proper.' The author thinks this is likely an intentional alteration to avoid picturing the Deity.
Chapter 22
Which Scottish arms show Christ upon the Cross, and what is the Halifax 'Holy Face' blazon?
Christ upon the Cross appears in the arms of Inverness (Gules, our Lord upon the Cross proper), the only known instance. Halifax's unauthorised canting 'Holy Face' shield is: 'Chequy or and azure, a man's face with long hair and bearded and dropping blood, and surmounted by a halo, all proper; in chief the letters HALEZ, and in base the letters FAX.'
Chapter 22
How is the Virgin Mary represented in British heraldry, and in which arms?
The Virgin Mary with her babe is not uncommon. She appears in the arms of Banff and Leith (Virgin Mary with the Infant Saviour in a galley), in the crest of Marylebone (identity not alluded to, preserving 'St. Mary le Bourne'), and on shields of the Sees of Lincoln, Salisbury, Sodor and Man, Southwell, and Tuam.
Chapter 22
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According to Fox-Davies, why were early heraldic lions drawn upright?
The author argues early artists, with a keener artistic sense than later designers, tried to fill as much of the shield as possible. With one lion on the shield, an upright position was most convenient and adaptable. He also suggests their knowledge of natural history was limited, so the upright pose seemed most natural and was almost the only one found at first.
Chapter 23
How did early heralds distinguish a lion from a leopard by position?
Early heraldry imposed the distinction that a lion could only be depicted erect in the rampant position, so an animal shown walking must be a leopard from the position it occupied. Fox-Davies says this was a pedantic distinction known mainly to heralds and favored by the French, and it was not present at the beginning but a later addition.
Chapter 23
What does 'armed and langued' mean for a heraldic lion?
It refers to the tongue and claws being shown in a different color from the animal. A lion rampant and other beasts of prey are usually shown with tongue and claws of a different tincture; if not gules, they are often gules, or azure when the lion is on a gules field. It need not be blazoned when they are gules, but other colors should be specified.
Chapter 23
What rule about multiple lions on a shield does the chapter describe?
An ancient rule held that there cannot be more than one lion upon a shield, an argument used to claim the English Royal Arms charges must be leopards. British armory admitted it only in a limited way: two or more lions rampant on one shield, unless combatant, were formerly called lioncels, as in Bohun's six lioncels. British heraldry has long since disregarded the rule.
Chapter 23
CHAPTER XII (part 1)3 cards
What distinguishes a leopard's head from a leopard's face?
The leopard's head shows the neck, which is couped or erased, and may be affronté; the leopard's face shows no neck at all, the head being removed close behind the ears and represented affronté. The leopard's face is by far the most usual form of the leopard in armory and traces back to an early period. In Shrewsbury's arms these charges are locally called "loggerheads."
Chapter 24
Why is the heraldic panther usually shown with flames from mouth and ears?
The panther is hard to class as mythical or actual; in British heraldry it appears mainly as a supporter, invariably flammant, with flames from mouth and ears, as in the supporters of the Duke of Beaufort and Lord Raglan. The flames derive from the Physiologus, which ascribes sweet-smelling breath to the panther that draws other animals near, while the dragon retreats.
Chapter 24
What does the chapter say about the fox in British heraldry?
Woodward states the fox is very seldom met with in British heraldry, but the author argues this is hardly correct, since countless instances exist of the fox as charge, crest, or supporter—for example in the arms of Fox, Colfox, and Ashworth, and as supporters of Lord Ilchester. The face of a fox is termed its mask.
Chapter 24
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How does heraldry distinguish a stag's antlers from a buck's horns?
The stag, really the male red deer, has horns branched with pointed branches from bottom to top. The buck, the fallow deer, has broad and flat palmated horns. When horns differ in tincture, a stag or buck is described as 'attired' of that colour, and 'attired of ten tynes' means the horns have that many points.
Chapter 25
What terms describe a stag's postures in heraldry?
A stag lying down is 'lodged'; walking, 'trippant'; running, 'courant', 'at speed', or 'in full chase'; springing, 'salient' (sometimes 'springing'). It is 'at gaze' when statant with the head turned to face the spectator, but a stag may also simply be 'statant' and is not 'at gaze' unless the head is turned round.
Chapter 25
Why can a bull never be blazoned 'proper' in heraldry?
Bulls are among the few animals that can never be represented proper, because in its natural state the bull is of very various colours. Yet there is an exception: the bulls used as crests, badges, or supporters by the various branches of the Nevill family are all pied bulls, and the bull in the arms of Abergavenny follows the same pattern.
Chapter 25
What is the sea-dog, and what does the author argue it really represents?
The sea-dog is depicted much like the talbot but with scales, webbed feet, and a broad scaly tail like a beaver. The author argues it is really the early heraldic attempt to represent a beaver, citing the arms of Oxford, whose original record shows a beaver as the sinister supporter. British instances include the Stourton supporters and the Dodge crest.
Chapter 25
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How is the ape usually depicted in heraldry, and what is unusual about its collar?
The ape is usually met with 'collared and chained.' Uniquely among animals, the ape's collar environs its loins rather than its neck. It appears chiefly in crests of Fitzgerald families, though one Fitzgerald bears it as a shield charge, and the Yorke family bears an ape's head as a crest.
Chapter 26
Which heraldic animal is always sejant and often shown cracking a nut?
The squirrel occurs in many English coats of arms and is always sejant, very frequently depicted cracking a nut. Fox-Davies lists it among the lesser-used but recurring animal charges, distinct from the hare, which is rare in British armory, and the coney, which appears more often than the hare.
Chapter 26
What does the author argue about introducing unusual animals like the kangaroo into modern arms?
The author argues it is highly admirable to include strange animals in modern grants, provided there is a definite reason beyond mere caprice. He says they add interest and give modern armory meaning, a relief from monotonous lions, bends, chevrons, mullets, and martlets. However, an isolated kangaroo grant does not make the animal part of the heraldic menagerie.
Chapter 26
CHAPTER XIII4 cards
According to the chapter, what two animals did early heralds believe produced the heraldic Camelopard?
The chapter states the heraldic Camelopard was anciently believed to be begotten by the leopard upon the camel. The author explains that early heraldic artists, familiar with both animals from the region where heraldry took definite form, reasoned by analogy with the mule as a horse-ass hybrid. A stray giraffe seen by a journeyer up the Nile was probably declared the hybrid offspring of leopard and camel.
Chapter 27
How does the chapter describe the heraldic unicorn's physical composition?
The author says the unicorn as heraldically developed is drawn with the body of a horse, the tail of the heraldic lion, the legs and feet of the deer, the head and mane of a horse, plus the long twisted horn from which it is named, and a beard. Figures 414, 415, and 416 illustrate it, and the author praises Fig. 417 as fine heraldic design.
Chapter 27
What distinction does the chapter draw between a griffin's head and an eagle's head?
The chapter says the griffin has the body, hind-legs, and tail of a lion joined to the head and claws of an eagle, plus eagle wings and ears. The ears are the only distinction between a griffin's head and an eagle's head when the rest of the body is not shown. The author also notes the griffin is termed "segreant" rather than rampant when in that position.
Chapter 27
What does the chapter say about the male griffin in English heraldry?
The chapter describes the male griffin as a curiosity wholly peculiar to English heraldry: it has no wings but is adorned with spikes at points on its body. The author hazards the supposition that it is a British development of the Continental heraldic panther, unknown in England, and says the origin of the spikes remains a mystery unless found in the panther's flames.
Chapter 27
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What was the earliest heraldic appearance of the eagle on a shield?
The earliest instance of the eagle as a definitely heraldic charge upon a shield is its appearance on the Great Seal of the Markgrave Leopold of Austria in 1136, where the equestrian figure carries a shield so charged. Later, after Frederick Barbarossa, the eagle with one or two heads became the recognised heraldic symbol of the Holy Roman Empire.
Chapter 28
How does Fox-Davies explain the true origin of the double-headed eagle?
The author argues the double-headed eagle was an accepted figure long before heraldry existed. When armory adopted the displayed eagle, single- and double-headed varieties were used indifferently until the double-headed form became stereotyped as the Imperial emblem. He calls the dimidiation theory and Nisbet's two-eagles theory examples of earlier writers inventing hidden symbolisms.
Chapter 28
Besides 'displayed' and 'close,' how does Fox-Davies say other eagle positions should be blazoned?
He states that apart from 'displayed' and 'close,' authorities barely agree on terms or wing positions. Practically every other position is simply blazoned 'rising,' without additional distinctive terms. Since no form is more correct by nature or precedent, he recommends blazoning 'rising' followed by a description of the wings' position to avoid mistake and uncertainty.
Chapter 28
What does 'conjoined in leure' mean for a pair of wings?
A pair of wings displayed and conjoined at the base is termed 'conjoined in leure,' from its resemblance to the lure a falconer threw into the air to recall his hawk. The best-known example is Seymour: 'Gules, two wings conjoined in leure the tips downwards or.' It should always be stated if the wings are inverted; otherwise the tips are presumed to be in chief.
Chapter 28
CHAPTER XIV (part 2)4 cards
How is the heraldic pelican always depicted, and what is the term for it?
The heraldic pelican is always shown with the head and body of an eagle, wings elevated or inverted, and neck embowed, pecking at its breast—termed "vulning itself." When standing in its nest with its brood, it is called "in its piety." When blazoned "proper," it takes the eagle's colour and plumage, not its natural white, though the author notes a recent tendency to give it its natural, more ungainly look.
Chapter 29
Why is the heraldic ostrich almost always shown holding a horseshoe or key?
The author explains that until recent times the heraldic ostrich is rarely met with unless holding a horseshoe, key, or other piece of old iron in its beak. This derives from old natural history books, which depicted the ostrich feeding on such unnatural items because its digestive capacity, though exaggerated, was not entirely fabulous. Heraldic artists perpetuated this popular idea, and even now the ostrich is seldom seen without it.
Chapter 29
How is the martlet depicted, and why is it shown without feet?
The martlet, the heraldic swallow, is never represented with feet; its legs terminate in the feathers covering the upper leg. This perpetuates the popular belief that a swallow has no feet or cannot perch on the ground. The author notes a legend that the martlet marks the fourth son in cadency, since by then no land remains and he must fly away. If feet are shown, the bird becomes a swallow.
Chapter 29
What is the crane's "vigilance," and what exception does the author point out?
The crane is seldom met with except holding a stone in its claw, called its "vigilance." The old fable says the crane held the stone so that if it fell asleep, the dropping stone would awaken it. The author notes the charming fable is undercut by the crest of Cranstoun, which shows the crane asleep—or dormant—with its head under its wing while still holding its "vigilance" in its foot.
Chapter 29
CHAPTER XIV (part 3)3 cards
Why is the ostrich feather plume often wrongly adopted as a heritable crest?
The author explains that when a family possessed no crest, the helmet was generally ornamented with a plume of ostrich feathers. Later generations accepted and adopted this plume as their heritable crest, though it never actually had that character. He cites the crest of Astley as given in the Peerage Books as a notable instance of this error.
Chapter 30
How are the colours of a multi-coloured ostrich feather plume blazoned?
The number of feathers must be stated, usually three, five, or seven. If colours alternate, the word "alternately" suffices, with the dexter feather shown in the colour first mentioned. In a three-colour plume, the first-mentioned colour is the dexter feather, the others follow dexter to sinister, and the fourth feather restarts the series; any other arrangement must be specifically detailed.
Chapter 30
How has the heraldic depiction of the ostrich feather changed over time?
In its earliest form the ostrich feather was stiff and erect, as if cut from a piece of board. As realistic heraldic art came into vogue it was shown more naturally, with flowing and drooping curves. Of later years, following the example of His Majesty when Prince of Wales, heraldry reverted to the earlier form, and it is now general to give the feather its stiff, straight appearance.
Chapter 30
CHAPTER XV4 cards
What does 'naiant' mean in heraldic blazon, and does it require water?
A fish in a horizontal position is termed 'naiant,' whether it is in or upon water or merely depicted as a charge upon a shield. By contrast, a fish in a perpendicular position is termed 'hauriant.' The chapter notes that hauriant fish are usually shown head upwards absent contrary direction, though it is more correct to state whether the head is upwards or downwards.
Chapter 31
Why does the author reject the legend behind the Dauphin's dolphin?
The author argues the true explanation is that the title of Dauphin and the province of Viennois were a separate sovereign dignity carrying territorial and sovereign arms ('Or, a dolphin embowed azure, finned and langued gules'). Assuming those arms with the sovereignty was as natural as using separate arms for the Duchy of Lancaster or Cornwall. He cites Woodward that Philip of France purchased Humbert III's domains in 1343, and calls the legend without solid foundation.
Chapter 31
What does 'embowed' mean for a heraldic dolphin, and how is it combined with position terms?
'Embowed' means bent in some way, with the tail curved towards the head. Since a dolphin is never heraldically depicted straight, it is always understood to be embowed and usually termed so, generally as 'naiant embowed' or 'hauriant embowed.' The chapter notes the heraldic dolphin is strangely dissimilar from the real creature and shows wide variety.
Chapter 31
Which unusual fish charges does the chapter record in British and foreign arms?
The chapter records whales' heads in Whalley, a shark issuant regardant swallowing a man as the Yeates crest, and Inveraray's unmatriculated coat of a sea field with a net and herrings entangled. It also lists salmon (Peebles, Glasgow, Lumsden, Finlay), herring (Maconochie), roach (Roche), trout (Troutbeck), pike or 'lucy'/'ged' (Lucy, Lucas, Geddes, Pyke), and eel (Ellis).
Chapter 31
CHAPTER XVI4 cards
How is the typical heraldic serpent most often depicted in British armory?
The usual heraldic serpent is most frequently found "nowed," meaning interlaced in a knot, with a well-understood official form of interlacing. It may also appear erect, glissant, or in a circle with its tail in its mouth, the ancient symbol of eternity. Its frequent appearance in British armory stems from its symbolic acceptance as the sign of medicine, especially in grants to doctors and physicians.
Chapter 32
How does the heraldic serpent of British armory differ from Continental usage?
Save for position, the serpent of British armory is always drawn in a very naturalistic manner. In Continental armory, however, the serpent takes a position closely allied to the dragon and is sometimes even found winged. The arms of the Visconti family, later used for the Duchy of Milan, show a form of serpent very different from the real animal or the British heraldic variety.
Chapter 32
What does the author suggest about many curious reptile coats of arms?
The author argues that many curious coats, such as toads, snails, and strange creatures, lack evidence that the families existed or that the arms had official authority. He believes they largely consist of misreadings or misinterpretations of names and charges, citing Sir Walter Scott's story of Toison d'Or as illustrating the real origin of many quaint coats and heraldic terms.
Chapter 32
Which reptile charges appear in the arms and crests the chapter cites?
The chapter cites lizards more often in Irish than English or Scottish arms: a lizard in the crest of Sillifant, a hand grasping a lizard in McCarthy's crest, and "Azure, three lizards or" in a Cotter quarter, blazoned there as evetts. The Toad appears rarely, as in the attributed Botreaux arms, "Argent, three toads erect sable," which the author suspects were really buckets of water.
Chapter 32
CHAPTER XVII4 cards
Which insect is most common in heraldry, and what does it symbolize?
The bee is the insect most usually met with in heraldry, being considered the symbol of industry. It is typically shown displayed on the shield and termed volant, sometimes "volant en arrière." It appears in arms or crests of Dore, Beatson, Abercromby, Samuel, and Sewell, and a bee-hive "with bees diversely volant" is in the arms of Rowe.
Chapter 33
Why did Napoleon adopt the bee as his badge, and how did it affect French armory?
The author states Napoleon adopted bees under the impression, which may or may not be correct, that they had once been the badge of Childeric, father of Clovis. He assumed them for his own badge; the mantle and pavilion around the Empire's arms were semé of bees, and they appeared on his coronation mantle. He also replaced the fleur-de-lis on the chief of Paris's arms with golden bees.
Chapter 33
Which family is associated with the grasshopper crest, and what London tradition stems from it?
The grasshopper is most familiar as the crest of the Gresham family, and this is the origin of the golden grasshoppers so constantly met with in the city of London. "Argent, a chevron sable between three grasshoppers vert" is the coat of Woodward of Kent, and two grasshoppers figure in the arms of Treacher, now quartered by Bowles.
Chapter 33
How are ants, beetles, and butterflies described in the chapter's blazons?
Ants are seldom met with: Papworth gives "Argent, six ants, three, two, and one sable" to Tregent, and "Vert, an ant argent" to Kendiffe. "Argent, a chevron vert between three beetles proper" is attributed to Muschamp, though the author says these beetles should likely be described as flies. Butterflies appear in the arms of Papillon and Penhellicke.
Chapter 33
CHAPTER XVIII (part 1)4 cards
In heraldry, when no tree name is specified, what kind of tree is generally drawn?
The chapter states that when no name is specified, trees are generally drawn after the fashion of oak-trees. It also notes that though little difference is made in the appearance of many varieties when heraldically depicted, the various names are carefully preserved for canting purposes.
Chapter 34
How is a tree blazoned when its roots are shown, versus when it issues from a mount?
When a tree issues from the ground it will usually be blazoned 'issuant from a mount vert,' but when the roots are shown it is termed 'eradicated.' The chapter illustrates this with an oak-tree eradicated and cites coats such as Tardy, Comte de Montravel, with three cypress-trees eradicated vert.
Chapter 34
What does 'fructed' mean, and how is the fruit usually depicted?
A branch, slip, bush, or tree is termed 'fructed' when the fruit is shown, though the term is usually disregarded unless 'fructed' of a different colour. When represented as 'fructed,' the fruit is usually drawn out of all proportion to its relative size.
Chapter 34
According to the chapter, what distinguishes a 'slip' from a 'branch' in heraldry?
The chapter says branches are usually oak, laurel, palm, or holly, and need to be distinguished from 'slips,' which are much smaller and with fewer leaves. Purists laid down minute rules of distinction, but the author argues no such detail is officially observed, and the colloquial difference is a sufficient guide.
Chapter 34
CHAPTER XVIII (part 2)4 cards
What is the earliest evidence of the thistle as a Scottish royal or national badge?
The chapter states the thistle's earliest appearance is on the silver coinage of 1474, in the reign of James III. During that reign it was accepted either as a national badge or as the personal badge of the sovereign. The author suggests the king may have chosen it to rival England's rose and broom badges, and in 1540 the Order of the Thistle fixed it as a national emblem.
Chapter 35
How did the fleur-de-lis become the fixed arms of France, and when were the fleurs reduced to three?
The fleur-de-lis appears as decoration long before armory, and by the reign of Louis VII it was stereotyped as a symbolical device. On Louis VIII's seals the heraldic fleur-de-lis and a natural flower appear together, supporting the floral intention. By his counter-seal, 'Azure, semé-de-lis or' was the fixed arms of France. An edict of Charles V in 1376 reduced the number to three, to symbolize the Holy Trinity.
Chapter 35
How did the fleurs-de-lis in the English Royal Arms change under Edward III and Henry IV?
Edward III assumed the arms and title of King of France, and on his Great Seal of 1340 his arms were quarterly: France (azure, semé-de-lis or) in 1 and 4, and England (gules, three lions passant guardant) in 2 and 3. On Henry IV's second Great Seal in 1411 the fleurs-de-lis were reduced to three, remaining so until late in George III's reign.
Chapter 35
What does the chapter say about the origin and symbolism of the fleur-de-lis?
The author argues the fleur-de-lis began as a meaningless decorative form found long before armory, and that no symbolism need be assigned to its early heraldic appearances as a sceptre finial or coronet ornament. He dismisses a suggested phallic origin as absurd and calls the toad-coat legend exploded. The lily was linked to France, and the iris was called a lily until comparatively modern times.
Chapter 35
CHAPTER XVIII (part 3)4 cards
What is the earliest appearance of the garb in English heraldry?
The earliest appearance of the garb in English heraldry is on the seal of Ranulph, Earl of Chester, who died in 1232. Garbs became identified with the Earldom of Chester, and 'Azure, three garbs or' became and remain the territorial or possibly sovereign coat of that earldom. Garbs therefore figure in the arms of many families who originally held land by feudal tenure under the Earls of Chester.
Chapter 36
According to Taunton, why is the Grosvenor 'great huntsman' origin doubtful?
The author cites Mr. W. G. Taunton, who argues the 'Great Huntsman' fable is unreliable. Taunton notes 'Gros' means fat and 'Venour' means hunter, and that Hugh Lupus was nicknamed 'Hugh the Fat,' suggesting inherited obesity rather than office. He also argues a chief huntsman to Royalty would have been 'Grandvenor,' not Grosvenor or Grasvenor, and that the coat more likely came from the Grasvenor or Gravenor family.
Chapter 36
Are all garbs in heraldry sheaves of wheat?
No. Though a garb, unless quoted otherwise, is presumed to be a sheaf of wheat, the term is not so confined. The garbs in the arms of Comyn, which figure as a quartering in many Scottish coats, are really of cummin, as presumably are the garbs in the arms of Cummins. When a garb is 'banded' of a different colour this should be stated, and Elvin states it may be 'eared' of a different colour.
Chapter 36
What plant forms appear in the arms of Janssen and Scott?
The coat of Janssen of Wimbledon, Surrey (Bart., extinct), is 'Argent, two bundles of reeds in fess vert.' A bundle of rods occurs in the arms of Evans and the crest of Harris, where it is termed a faggot. Reeds also occur in the crest of Reade and the crest of Middlemore. Bulrushes occur in the crest of Billiat and in the arms of Scott, which show a bull passant on a mount of bulrushes.
Chapter 36
CHAPTER XIX (part 1)3 cards
How does heraldry distinguish a castle from a tower, and what does 'triple-towered' mean?
The chapter says the difference between a castle and a tower should be carefully noticed; it was little observed in ancient days but is now always adhered to. When either a castle or a tower is surmounted by smaller towers, it is termed 'triple-towered.' Examples of castles and towers appear in the arms of Carlyon and Kelly, and a quadrangular castle in those of Rawson.
Chapter 37
How does the chapter distinguish the lance or javelin from the heraldic tilting-spear?
A distinction must be drawn between the lance or javelin and the heraldic tilting-spear, particularly because the latter is always depicted with the sharp point for warfare instead of the blunted point actually used in the tournament. The Shakespeare arms are 'Or, on a bend sable, a tilting-spear of the field.'
Chapter 37
What is a caltrap, and in which arms does the chapter say it appears?
A caltrap, or galtrap (sometimes called a cheval trap from its use in impeding cavalry), is an instrument of military defence consisting of an iron frame of four points. It is found in the arms of Trappe ('Argent, three caltraps sable'), Gilstrap and other families, and French armory supplies the Guetteville de Guénonville example. Caltraps are also strewn on the compartment beneath the Earl of Perth's supporters.
Chapter 37
CHAPTER XIX (part 2)4 cards
According to the chapter, how are estoiles and mullets distinguished in English heraldry?
The author explains that when a star's rays are wavy the charge is termed an estoile, and when the rays are straight it is a mullet. The estoile is never pierced and has six rays unless another number is specified. In English practice a mullet is not shown pierced unless expressly stated, and it has five points unless more are specified.
Chapter 38
How does Scottish practice differ from English practice regarding mullets and stars?
The author states that in Scotland a straight-pointed charge is a mullet if pierced and a star if not pierced, while the estoile follows the same practice as in England. He argues the Scottish practice is more correct than the English but more complicated, and notes the Scots also use the names spur-rowel or spur-revel for the pierced mullet.
Chapter 38
What does the chapter say about the maunch and which families bore it?
The maunch is the heraldic term for a sleeve, though as drawn it is scarcely recognizable as one. The author says its evolution can be clearly traced and that it originated in the knightly favour of a lady's sleeve. It was borne from the earliest periods in different tinctures by the three historic families of Conyers, Hastings, and Wharton.
Chapter 38
What is a fleam in heraldry, and in whose arms does it appear?
The author explains that a fleam, now known mainly as a farrier's instrument, is actually the ancient form and name of a surgeon's lancet, so some connection with surgery may be presumed when it appears. It occurs on the chief of the shield of Moore and is one of the charges in the arms recently granted to Sir Frederick Treves.
Chapter 38
CHAPTER XIX (part 3)4 cards
Which three English towns use a lighthouse in their arms?
According to the chapter, Eccles, Bootle, and Ramsgate are the three towns whose arms depict a lighthouse. The author notes this charge appears restricted not only to English armory but specifically to these three named towns, so far as can be ascertained.
Chapter 39
What unusual charge did Samson Fox have granted in his arms?
At his express wish, the late Samson Fox of Leeds and Harrogate was granted arms containing a representation of the corrugated boiler-flue that formed the basis of his fortune. The author describes this as a curious coat of a similarly industrial character to locomotive charges.
Chapter 39
Which charges appear in the arms of Swindon and the Great Central Railway?
Locomotives appear in the arms of Swindon and the Great Central Railway. The Great Central Railway grant, dated February 25, 1898, includes a locomotive engine crest between two wings, and Swindon's arms also feature a locomotive, alongside a hammer in its crest.
Chapter 39
What does the chapter say about the origin of the fylfot?
The author states that no one knows the meaning or origin of the fylfot, which he includes as the final example in his list of heraldic charges. He notes the list of charges is far from exhausted and recommends examining arms of towns and trade corporations for further study.
Chapter 39
CHAPTER XX (part 1)4 cards
According to the chapter, what did helmet shape and position indicate in heraldry?
The chapter states that the helmet's shape and position were taught as indicative of rank: the esquire's helmet was steel, in profile with visor closed; the knight's and baronet's was open and affronté; the peer's was silver, guarded by grilles and in profile; and the royal helmet was gold, with grilles, and affronté. The author notes these regulations are comparatively modern, arising about Stuart times.
Chapter 40
Why does the author say few genuine battle helmets survive?
The author argues that helmets were so common and little out of the ordinary that they had no greater value than other clothing, so real helmets were not preserved. By contrast, sham ceremonial helmets, possessing only ceremonial value, were kept from ceremony to ceremony and passed down. He notes many surviving helmets could not have fit any man's head.
Chapter 40
What was the bascinet and how was it worn?
The bascinet, from Old French for a basin, began as a hemispherical steel cap worn over the mail coif to protect the head when the knight removed the heavy helm, which was slung at his back or saddlebow. It became pointed at the top. In the fourteenth century the mail was hung from its bottom rim as a camail over the shoulders, fastened by a lace through staples.
Chapter 40
What does the chapter say about the weight of the great helm?
The author explains that the helmet was seldom worn: it was carried by a page for ceremony or slung at the saddlebow until the last moment, then donned for action. By its construction the weight was carried by the shoulders, while the head and neck moved freely within limits inside. He notes many surviving helmets were made for ceremonial use, chiefly funerals.
Chapter 40
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What distinguishes the German fluted helmet of 1510-1525 described in the chapter?
The chapter describes a German fluted helmet of magnificent form and workmanship, partly engraved and gilded, dating 1510-1525. It opens down the chin like early armets, but its tail-piece is much broader. The forging of the crown and fluting of the twisted comb are remarkable, and each rivet for the lining-strap of the cheek-pieces forms the centre of an engraved six-leaved rose. A grooved rim fitted a salient rim on the steel gorget.
Chapter 41
Why were barred or grilled helmets introduced, and how does the chapter view their heraldic use?
The chapter states the barred or grilled helmet owed its introduction to tournaments with swords and clubs, which required better vision than the tilting-helm afforded. The 'grid-iron' helmet and the latticed-visor helmet are early forms. The author notes neither type appears regularly in heraldic art, and whether the grilled helmet depicted in paintings and seals was ever actually worn seems very doubtful.
Chapter 41
What British rules govern helmet color, position, and grilles by rank?
The chapter states the Sovereign and Royal princes use a gold helmet, affronté, with grilles. A peer uses silver, in profile, with golden grilles, often said to be five though not strictly adhered to. A knight or baronet uses steel, full-faced, and open. An esquire or gentleman uses steel in profile with the visor closed. Considerable latitude is allowed within these limits.
Chapter 41
How did German and French heraldry restrict the closed versus buckled helmet?
The chapter states Germany knew two classes: the open helmet guarded by bars, grilles, or buckles, and the closed or visored helmet. The buckled helmet belonged to older families whose birth qualified them to tilt; the closed helmet was used by the newly ennobled. In France the buckled helmet was reserved for the military noblesse, denied to newly ennobled families until the third generation.
Chapter 41
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In English official practice, how are two or more crests depicted?
English official practice paints only one helmet, with both crests detached from it; the dexter crest is the more important. This avoids turning the dexter crest to face sinister. For three crests, one helmet is used, all facing dexter: the centre crest sits on the helmet as principal, the dexter is second, and the sinister third.
Chapter 42
How does Continental practice arrange multiple helmets and crests?
With an even number of helms, all look inward toward the escutcheon's centre line, half to dexter and half to sinister. With an uneven number, the principal helm is centred affronté and the others turn toward it. Crests always turn with their helmets. In Germany each crest keeps its own helmet; in Scandinavia the centre helm is affronté and others often turn outward.
Chapter 42
What rule governs helmets for women and ecclesiastics in British heraldry?
No woman except a reigning Sovereign may surmount her arms with a helmet. For ecclesiastics, a clergyman's grant includes crest and helmet, but a bishop's arms are surmounted by a mitre, with the crest shown separately. The deduced rule is that a mitre cannot be displayed with a helmet or crest; the mitre, indicating higher rank, displaces them.
Chapter 42
What helmets are used for corporate bodies in England, Scotland, and Ireland?
English counties, cities, towns, and corporate bodies with granted crests use the closed profile helmet of an esquire or gentleman. The City of London is always depicted with a peer's helmet, though its crest is unrecorded, so this has no official sanction. Scottish towns get the open full-faced knight's helmet, but Scottish counties with crests get an esquire's helmet. Ulster King of Arms allowed no helmet on impersonal arms, so Belfast's patent had none.
Chapter 42
CHAPTER XXI (part 1)4 cards
What is the earliest authenticated instance of a regular crest, according to the chapter?
The author identifies the Great Seal of King Richard I of England as what is usually accepted as the earliest authenticated instance of a regular crest. It shows a lion passant painted upon the fan-shaped ornament surmounting the helmet. The earliest known instance of a crest generally is dated 1198, and evidence of arms exists before that date.
Chapter 43
Why does the author argue the fan-shaped helmet ornaments were not originally crests?
The author argues the fans originated as an integral, protective part of the helmet itself, not as a vehicle for displaying crests. Their long low shape shielded the neck from descending blows. Decoration of the fan came later, and the word crest, from Latin crista meaning cock's comb, supports this. He admits the serrated-border suggestion is his own conjecture.
Chapter 43
Why did early fans display only part of the shield device rather than the whole arms?
The author explains the long low shape of the fan did not lend itself to duplicating the whole arms, so it usually bore a single distinctive figure from the shield. This explains why Percy, Talbot, and Mowbray all had lion rampant arms but lion passant or statant crests: the fan could not accommodate a rampant lion.
Chapter 43
What does the City of London seal of 1539 reveal about the College of Arms records?
The author argues the seal shows a fan charged with the City cross because London had no recorded crest, so the ancient practice of painting a shield device on a fan was used. The College records the shield but not the crest or supporters. The author notes the true supporters are two lions, while the dragons now used are recent assumptions.
Chapter 43
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What does the author argue about the large modelled crests seen on effigies?
The author argues these were ceremonial or tournament crests, carved in wood or built of leather, and were never actually worn in battle. Effigies, like modern portraits, show ornate ceremonial dress rather than everyday gear. He concedes it was from these tournament helmets and crests that the heraldic crest gained its importance, explaining the exaggerated size of early crests.
Chapter 44
What materials and construction were used for actual tournament crests?
Tournament crests were made of light material: pasteboard, cloth, or a leather shell over a wood or wire framework filled with tow, sponge, or sawdust. The Black Prince's crest of 1376 in Canterbury Cathedral is leather and a good example, though the author says it was likely made only for the funeral pageant. Crests were fastened to helmets by ribbons, straps, laces (later the fillet and torse), or rivets.
Chapter 44
What did the right to bear a crest signify, and who bore crests?
The author argues a crest was an additional privilege beyond the right to a shield of arms. Many writers claimed only knights or tournament rank could use one, since doubts about social position could bar tournament entry but not wartime obligations. In the late fourteenth century great nobles used crests while much of the lesser landed gentry bore arms without them; arms were a necessity of warfare, crests were not.
Chapter 44
Why did the value of the crest decline, and what rule does the author criticize in modern English grants?
The author argues numerous grants of crests to ancient arms, effectively confirming questionable arms, caused the crest's dignity to decline, aided by the end of tournaments and funereal pageantry. Since Hanoverian times arms are granted with a crest where one can be borne. He criticizes the English rule that separate families' crests must be differentiated, producing unsuitable modern crests, and blames the position rule for helmets.
Chapter 44
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According to the author, what caused most changes of crest in English heraldry?
The author argues that changes of crest were almost always due to inheritance rather than caprice, citing families such as the Stanleys, Talbots, Nevills, and Bourchiers who adopted crests inherited through heiresses. He notes few changes relative to the number of crests because a man had but one helmet and was forced to make a selection, usually preferring the familiar crest.
Chapter 45
What is the modern official rule about women and crests in English heraldry?
Since the Restoration, a Royal License has been necessary to assume arms and crests. It is now stringently held as the official rule that no woman can bear or inherit a crest, and no woman can transmit a right to one. The author notes this is accepted heraldic law but questions whether it is a logical deduction, since a woman can transmit a parliamentary lordship though not inherit one.
Chapter 45
How do German crests differ from English crests in number and character?
In Germany the crest is considered largely a territorial appanage, and it is not unusual to see several crests above a single coat of arms. The King of Saxony has five, the Grand Duke of Saxe-Meiningen six, the Duke of Anhalt seven, and instances of sixteen or seventeen are quoted. Woodward is probably correct that each crest formerly denoted a noble fief, as with the Margraves of Brandenburg-Anspach's thirteen.
Chapter 45
What is the rule about adding cadency marks to English crests?
English crests are theoretically subject to marks of cadency, but in practice they are seldom so marked. The rule may be taken to be that it is not necessary to add the mark of cadency to a crest even when it is added to the shield, though it is not incorrect to do so. Marks for lack of blood relationship and illegitimacy are compulsory, and exemplified crests are usually differenced.
Chapter 45
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Under a Royal License, how many crests does one generally get per surname?
Roughly speaking, under a Royal License one generally gets the right to one crest for every surname. If the original surname is discarded, one additionally gets a crest for every previous surname. Thus Mainwaring-Ellerker-Onslow has three crests and Wyndham-Campbell-Pleydell-Bouverie has four.
Chapter 46
Who held the record for most crests, one per surname, and what were the surnames?
The last Duke of Buckingham and Chandos held the record, with one crest for each of his surnames: Temple-Nugent-Brydges-Chandos-Grenville. This illustrates the principle that a crest may be granted for each surname held under a Royal License.
Chapter 46
What does the author argue about the denial of a right to a second crest?
The author argues that although the right to obtain a grant of a second crest is not officially admitted and is strenuously denied, the precedents make such a denial hard to sustain. He cites Sir Charles Young, a former Marquess of Camden, Lord Swansea, and others who obtained second crests.
Chapter 46
What irregularity does the author note about Sir William Woods's arms?
The author notes that Sir William Woods obtained a grant of a second crest while he was Garter, apparently oblivious that he had not really established a right to arms. The arms he used were certainly granted in Lyon Office to a relative, but no matriculation of them in his own name was ever registered.
Chapter 46
CHAPTER XXII (part 1)4 cards
According to Davenport, what did early crowns worn in battle signify?
Davenport states crowns were worn by kings in battle so they could be easily recognised. He notes this outward sign of sovereignty may have marked the wearer as entitled to special protection from his own men, but it was also likely often a dangerous sign of importance.
Chapter 47
How did the English crown's ornaments develop from Æthelstan to Henry VIII?
Davenport traces a sequence: Æthelstan's three points with a single pearl each became Canute's three trefoils; arches began with Edward the Confessor; the centre trefoil turned into the cross-patée of Henry VI; remaining trefoils became fleurs-de-lis. Henry VII used crosses-patée alternating with fleurs-de-lis, and Henry VIII fixed the arched form with orb and cross that has remained ever since.
Chapter 47
Why does Davenport reject a French origin for the fleurs-de-lis on the English crown?
Davenport argues the fleurs-de-lis on the crown were a natural expansion of form from the trefoils, not derived from the French fleur-de-lis, which was adopted as an heraldic bearing for an entirely different reason. He explains the confusion arises because the Royal coat of arms long bore the actual fleurs-de-lis of France in a quartering.
Chapter 47
What does the chapter say about non-sovereigns wearing crowns or coronets in England?
The chapter states crown use was not exclusive to sovereigns. In the eleventh to fourteenth centuries great territorial lords held most attributes of sovereignty, and in England, where the king was first amongst his peers, earls acted like petty sovereigns. The chapter adds that in England a coronet or fillet was apparently used even by knights without hindrance, though some may have been folded turbans.
Chapter 47
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What does the chapter say about the cap of the heraldic Royal Crown versus the real crown?
The chapter states that the cap of the real St. Edward's crown is of purple velvet, while the cap of the heraldic crown is always represented as crimson. It also notes that the heraldic crown shows the fleurs-de-lis on the rim as only half fleurs-de-lis, a detail scrupulously adhered to.
Chapter 48
According to the chapter, what is the Imperial State Crown and how is it used?
The Imperial State Crown is the crown actually worn, worn by the Sovereign in the procession from the Abbey after coronation, and carried before the Sovereign at the opening of Parliament. Its gems are national property, but the crown is usually remade for each successive sovereign.
Chapter 48
What does the chapter say about the large ruby in the Imperial State Crown?
The chapter describes it as a large spinal ruby of irregular drop-like form, about 2 inches long, always given the place of honour. It recounts that Don Pedro of Castille murdered the King of Granada for his jewels, one being this stone, and is said to have given it to the Black Prince after Najera in 1367.
Chapter 48
When were coronets of rank definitively assigned to peers not of the Blood Royal, and by what means?
The chapter states that it was not until the reign of Charles II. that coronets were definitely assigned by Royal Warrant (February 19, 1660) to peers not of the Blood Royal. Before that date, barons had not used a coronet heraldically or in fact, using instead a plain crimson cap turned up with white fur.
Chapter 48
CHAPTER XXII (part 3)3 cards
What does the 1901 Earl Marshal's order specify for a Baron's coronet?
The order states a Baron's coronet has, on the circle or rim, six silver balls at equal distances. For Baronesses it specifies a rim with six pearls (represented by silver balls) not raised upon points, with a crimson velvet cape furred with miniver pure and powdered with two bars or rows of ermine.
Chapter 49
How do peers' parliamentary robes of estate differ by rank?
The author explains the Parliamentary Robe of Estate is fine scarlet cloth lined with taffeta, with rank shown by fur guards: a duke has four ermine guards with gold lace, a marquess four on the right and three on the left, an earl three, and viscounts and barons both have two guards of plain white fur.
Chapter 49
What rules govern the heraldic depiction of peers' coronets?
The author says all coronets of degree enclose a cap of crimson velvet turned up with ermine, and none are permitted to be jewelled, though duke, marquess, earl and viscount coronets are chased in the form of jewels. He notes peers increasingly use only the circlet for informal heraldic purposes, and that use of a coronet by non-peers is stringently forbidden, a rule often ignored by eldest sons of peers.
Chapter 49
CHAPTER XXIII4 cards
What three supports may a lawful crest rest upon or issue from?
Official rules require a crest to be upon, or issue from, a wreath (torse), a coronet, or a chapeau. The choice is not the wearer's: one or other is specified in the terms of the grant. If the crest has a lawful existence, that support unchangeably belongs to it and is considered an integral part of the crest.
Chapter 50
Under the rigid English rules, to whom may a mural or naval crest coronet be granted?
A mural coronet is only granted to army officers of the rank of general or above, and a naval coronet only to officers in the Royal Navy of the rank of admiral and above. Crests issuing from the ordinary ducal crest coronet are not now granted under any circumstances, and the chapeau is only granted with arms to a peer.
Chapter 50
Does a crest issuing from a coronet require the wreath to be omitted?
No. The author states there is not and never has been any such rule, though most textbooks claim otherwise. Whether a wreath appears depends on the original grant: if none is specified with the coronet, none is used; if both are granted, both should be used. A 1682 warrant forbidding painters to omit wreaths below ducal coronets is cited as evidence.
Chapter 50
What distinguishes a ducal crest coronet from a duke's coronet of rank?
A duke's coronet of rank shows five strawberry leaves on the rim when depicted, while the ducal crest coronet has only three. The author argues the crest coronet bore no relation to rank, calling its adoption a matter of fancy; the two are quite separate. The rim's jewelling is only outlined, not coloured, and no cap or ermine band belongs on a crest coronet.
Chapter 50
CHAPTER XXIV (part 1)3 cards
What practical origins does the chapter give for the heraldic mantling?
The author traces the mantling to a textile covering worn over the metal helmet for protection against the burning Eastern sun during the Crusades, calling it a prototype of the puggaree. It also served against damp and rust, and later proved useful in battle because cloth deadens sword-cuts and entangles blades, which helps explain why mantlings are depicted cut and torn.
Chapter 51
Why were heraldic mantlings depicted cut and torn to ribbons?
The author argues that cloth deadens sword-cuts and entangles blades, so a lambrequin would show the hacking of battle plainly. A ragged, slashed lambrequin therefore implied an honourable record of a prominent place in the forefront of a fight, and heraldic artists seized on this as an opportunity for display.
Chapter 51
How were crests sometimes continued into the mantling, and where was this favoured?
When the crest lent itself, its material could extend into the mantling: a boar's head skin became a sable mantling, a bear skin served the Chorinski family, and a salmon's scaly skin appears in the Zurich Wappenrolle. The author says this was almost universal on the Continent, especially German heraldry, but seldom adopted in England, with few Garter plate examples.
Chapter 51
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What mantling colours did English grants specify in the 16th century, and when did England drop this officially?
In the sixteenth century, mantling of gules doubled argent became practically universal, often written into the terms of grants along with gold tassels. This custom continued through the Stuart period. England dropped it officially during the eighteenth century, when the mantling reverted to the livery colours of the arms and was no longer expressed in the patent wording.
Chapter 52
When and how did the Scottish Lyon Office change its mantling practice?
Scotland kept specifying gules mantling in grants until 1890, when Lyon King of Arms Sir James Balfour Paul ordered future Scottish mantlings depicted in the livery colours of the arms, as England had earlier done. Unlike England, Scotland still includes the mantling in the terms of the grant, thereby stereotyping it.
Chapter 52
What are the English and Irish rules for mantling colours?
Four rules apply: ancient arms keep the colour stated in the grant (usually gules lined argent) unless a later exemplification altered it; the sovereign and Prince of Wales have cloth of gold lined ermine; other Royal Family members have cloth of gold lined argent; and everyone else uses the livery colours.
Chapter 52
How is the mantling determined when it uses livery colours?
The outside must be a colour and the lining a metal. The colour is the principal colour of the arms — the field if of colour, otherwise the principal ordinary or charge. The metal follows the field if of metal, otherwise the metal of the principal charge; in short, the same tinctures as the wreath. Party fields, furs, and charges 'proper' have special discretionary rules.
Chapter 52
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How did the omission of helmet and mantling arise in British heraldry?
The author argues it arose partly because many English families possessed only a shield and used no crest, so helmet and mantling were rarely shown without a crest to support. Visitation Books, likely to save economy and draughtsmanship, depicted the crest on the wreath resting on the shield with the helmet omitted, and the public followed this official example.
Chapter 53
What does the author say about Woodward's claim on peers' Parliament robes?
Woodward's Treatise on Heraldry says the suggestion that peers' arms should be mantled with Parliament robes was never generally adopted in England. The author calls this quite incorrect, arguing its use was absolutely universal in one particular display: arms painted on carriage panels of peers in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Chapter 53
What is the pavilion, and where is it used?
The pavilion is the tent-like erection within which a heraldic achievement is displayed. It is unknown to British heraldry and confined to the arms of sovereigns, being prominent in Germany and other countries. It seems to have originated in France, traceable on the Great Seals of kings back to Louis XI, and is supposed to have been invented by the Frenchman Philip Moreau in 1680.
Chapter 53
Which Royal Arms do not figure the pavilion?
The chapter states that Great Britain, Austria-Hungary, Spain, Portugal, and Würtemberg are the only Royal Arms in which the pavilion does not figure. It also notes that the pavilion is quite unknown to British heraldry, with no single instance of its use in this country callable to mind.
Chapter 53
CHAPTER XXV4 cards
Why was the torse originally introduced in heraldry?
The torse was a remedy for the unsightly joining where the crest was attached to the helmet when mantling intervened. At first a coronet, plain fillet, or ribbon was used around the point of juncture, sometimes with ends floating behind. The plain fillet continued long after the torse came into recognised use, and the torse later largely superseded it.
Chapter 54
What does Fox-Davies argue produced the conventional torse?
The author argues the torse's twisted shape evolved from the plain fillet, suggested by the Eastern turban, combined with the accidental result of a knight twining a lady's favour—colours, ribbon, or handkerchief—in and out of the fillet around the crest's joining-place. The wearing of a lady's sleeve is, he says, the origin of the 'maunch' in the arms of Conyers, Hastings, and Wharton.
Chapter 54
What rule governs the torse's tinctures in British heraldry?
It became a fixed, unalterable rule in British heraldry that the torse shall be of the principal metal and principal colour of the arms. English and Irish grants say 'on a wreath of the colours' without specifying them; Scottish grants say 'upon a wreath of his liveries.' The author notes rare exceptions, including a regrant with a torse of three tinctures.
Chapter 54
How is the torse officially depicted in England, and why?
Officially it is painted as six links alternately metal and colour, the metal first shown to the dexter, and represented as a skein of coloured silk intertwined with gold or silver cord. Fox-Davies says it became a straight rigid bar balanced on the helmet's apex because crests are often shown without helmets and English crests are frequently unsuitable for helmets.
Chapter 54
CHAPTER XXVI (part 1)2 cards
According to Fox-Davies, what was the original nature of supporters in Britain?
The author argues supporters were originally little more than decorative and artistic appendages, devised and altered by different artists as the artistic needs of the moment demanded. Their exclusive reservation to the highest rank gave them a somewhat fictitious importance. He credits Woodward and Burnett's "A Treatise on Heraldry" for the discussion of their origin.
Chapter 55
What did Anstis attribute the origin of supporters to, and why?
Anstis, in his Aspilogia, attributed supporters to the invention of the engraver, who filled spaces at the top and sides of the triangular shield on a circular seal with foliage or fanciful animals. Fox-Davies says there is little doubt Anstis was correct, citing medieval seals such as Laing's Scottish Seals showing shields between lizard- or dragon-like creatures.
Chapter 55
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What inanimate objects served as supporters for the Earls of Errol in Sir David Lindsay's MS?
Two ox-yokes took the place of supporters in the Errol achievement as shown in Sir David Lindsay's manuscript. Fox-Davies suggests the ox-yoke was likely a badge of the Hays, Earls of Errol, rather than a true supporter, noting the legend's arms, crest, and supporters ring changes on shields, falcon, ox-yokes, and countrymen.
Chapter 56
Why does Fox-Davies reject the Nisbet legend explaining the Hay arms?
The author argues the tale is incredible because armorial bearings were unknown at the supposed battle around 980, so they could not have been a royal gift. Hill Burton doubts the battle occurred, and Cosmo Innes derives the name Hay from a place in Normandy; surnames did not exist in Scotland until long after Luncarty. Fox-Davies calls Hector Boece an incorrigible old liar.
Chapter 56
What does 'cottised' mean when supporters are inanimate objects?
When supporters are inanimate objects, the escutcheon is said to be cottised, a term from the French côté (a side), as opposed to 'supported.' Examples include the Bastard family's two swords, the Alberti's two lighted flambeaux, the Dalzells' tent-poles, and Charles V's Pillars of Hercules. An old Scottish term for supporters was 'bearers.'
Chapter 56
How do Scottish and English practice differ on crests and supporters?
In Scotland only the arms mark a family; crests and supporters may be duplicated across unrelated families, remaining simple and heraldic but useless for identification. In England differentiation is required for crests and supporters as for shields, which Fox-Davies says produces appalling modern crests and monstrosities—dangling shields, diapered bodies, fasces and footstools—pedantic and inartistic. English supporters are restricted to grantees, peers, and certain knights.
Chapter 56
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According to George Tait's 1821 note, which persons are entitled to supporters in Scottish heraldry?
Tait lists five classes: Peers (including peeresses in their own right) by immemorial usage; private gentlemen proving immemorial or very ancient usage long prior to the Act 1672; lawful heirs-male of smaller Barons with full free barony rights prior to 1587; lawful heirs-male of Chiefs of powerful tribes or clans; and Knights of the Garter and Bath plus others the King chooses to honour. He rejects claims for Scots and British Baronets.
Chapter 57
What does Fox-Davies say about Tait's claim that no females except peeresses in their own right are entitled to supporters?
The author argues Tait is clearly wrong. Supporters have constantly been allowed to the heir of line, and devolution through female heirs presupposes the right of the female heir through whom inheritance is claimed. He cites the Hunter-Weston arms matriculated in 1880, where Mrs. Hunter-Weston was heir of line of Hunter of Hunterston. Widows of peers with their own arms bear supporters by right, not courtesy.
Chapter 57
How did Fox-Davies qualify Tait's statement that supporters are commonly inserted in modern patents of peerage?
The author states supporters are most certainly not commonly inserted in modern patents of peerage. Supporters appertaining to peerages are granted by special and separate patents: for English subjects under the hand and seal of Garter alone, and for Irish peerages by Ulster King of Arms. Lyon may matriculate arms of Scottish peers with supporters or grant them to those still without.
Chapter 57
What does Fox-Davies say about the late eighteenth-century Lyon Office and grants of supporters?
The author states the Lyon Office fell into great disrepute: the office was granted to the Earls of Kinnoul, who appointed deputies and drew fees, and irregularities crept in. Supporters were granted where no valid reason existed beyond payment of fees, fostering the fixed idea that Lyon could grant supporters to anyone. Such grants remain legally valid until officially cancelled.
Chapter 57
CHAPTER XXVI (part 4)4 cards
What rule does the chapter say governs supporters for Scottish towns and cities?
The chapter states that for towns and cities in Scotland it is merely a matter of fees: any town eligible for arms may also obtain supporters if desired, citing a grant for the county of Perth dated 1800 that included supporters. For corporate bodies generally, the author argues it is difficult to draw a line or deduce any actual rule from known cases.
Chapter 58
Which English city's supporters are described as unicorns sejant on a mount vert?
The chapter names the city of Bristol, whose supporters are 'On either side, on a mount vert, a unicorn sejant or, armed, maned, and unguled sable.' It offers this as one of the exceptional English cases where supporters depart from the usual rampant attitude, alongside Lord Rosmead's ostrich and kangaroo, the kangaroo depicted sejant from the nature of the animal.
Chapter 58
According to Ströhl, when did supporters become hereditary in Germany?
The chapter quotes Ströhl: only very late, about the middle of the seventeenth century, were supporters granted as hereditary in Germany, though they appear in burghers' arms in the first half of the fifteenth century and in many town arms as decorative adjuncts. Earlier German supporters were largely permissive and artistic, retaining much of that character to the present day.
Chapter 58
Why does the chapter say peers escaped strict armorial control over supporters?
The author argues supporters were an adjunct of the peerage, and peers were not subject to the Visitations. A peer, with freedom from arrest and high social position, was 'too big' to accept the dictatorial armorial control the Crown enforced on lesser people; short of treason he was largely above ordinary law, so only rival peers kept him in check.
Chapter 58
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Which mythical creatures serve as supporters for the Earl of Meath and Lord Burghclere?
Wyverns are the supporters of the Earl of Meath and Lord Burghclere, and the sinister supporter of both Lord Raglan and Lord Lyveden. When figuring as supporters, wyverns are usually shown standing on one claw and supporting the shield with the other, though the Duke of Marlborough's wyvern supporters are generally represented sejant erect, supporting the shield with both claws.
Chapter 59
What are the supporters of the city of Glasgow, and what makes them unique?
The supporters belonging to the city of Glasgow are two salmon, each holding a signet-ring in the mouth. Fox-Davies calls them unique. He also notes the supporters of the city of Waterford—a lion on the dexter side and a dolphin on the sinister—which, though not recorded in Ulster's Office, have been in use long enough to ensure official confirmation if properly requested.
Chapter 59
Which animals does the chapter say remain unclaimed as heraldic supporters?
The zebra, giraffe, and okapi are as yet unclaimed as supporters, though the giraffe appears as a crest under the name camelopard and there is at least one instance (Kemsley) of a zebra as a crest. The ass and mule do not figure as supporters, nor do the hyena, sacred cow of India, bison, giant-sloth, and armadillo.
Chapter 59
CHAPTER XXVII3 cards
What does Fox-Davies say about the compartment in English blazon versus Scottish heraldry?
The author argues that in England the compartment is so much a matter of course that it is scarcely ever alluded to, and the term "Compartment" is practically peculiar to Scottish heraldry. He also notes that England retains the gilded scroll or "gas-bracket" as the official style, while Scotland and Ireland have discarded it for compartments requiring less gymnastic ability from the animals.
Chapter 60
Which supporters does the chapter cite as standing on definite objects recited in the blazon?
Lord Torrington's supporters stand on dismounted ships' guns; Lord Hawke's dexter supporter rests a foot on a dolphin; Lord Herschell's stags stand on a fasces; Lord Iveagh's stags rest a hind-foot on an escutcheon; Lord Burton's supporters rest on a stag's head caboshed. The author calls this absurdity possibly unsurpassable.
Chapter 60
What does the chapter say about the origin and purpose of the compartment?
The author argues the compartment is not a very ancient heraldic appendage, probably a convenient arrangement when shields were depicted erect rather than couché, supplying a standpoint for supporters. Sir George Mackenzie conjectures it represents the bearer's land and territories, though sometimes bestowed in recompense of an honourable action.
Chapter 60
CHAPTER XXVIII3 cards
In England, is a motto hereditary and does it require authority to adopt?
In England, mottoes for personal arms are not hereditary and are never mentioned in the terms of a grant of arms, so they form no part of the estate created by the Letters Patent. No one is compelled to bear one, and no authority is needed to adopt or change one; the officers of arms will paint and record any chosen motto, though they would decline to record one appropriated to the sovereign or an order of knighthood.
Chapter 61
What origin does the author argue for mottoes, and against which theory?
The author argues the common derivation of mottoes from the battle war-cry or slogan lacks adequate foundation, since many famous war-cries never became mottoes and most mottoes could never have served as battle-cries. He traces the real origin to the badge: simple personal devices often paired with words, which became interchangeable with crests, carrying the motto to the crest and then the arms.
Chapter 61
What are cri-de-guerre rules, and which heraldry traditions use them?
The cri-de-guerre is, as a heraldic fact and term, peculiar and exclusive to British and French heraldry. France's national cry was "Montjoye Saint Denis," and England's "Dieu et mon Droit" is probably traced to a similar origin. Modern heraldry still distinguishes it from the motto: the cri-de-guerre should always surmount the crest, and in Scotland, where both exist, the motto is then placed below the shield.
Chapter 61
CHAPTER XXIX (part 1)4 cards
When did the heraldic badge, as a separate device from arms, come into general use?
The author states that the heraldic badge as we know it—a separate device with a distinct heraldic existence alongside concurrent arms—came into general use about the reign of Edward III. Earlier personal devices, such as the broom plant on the tomb of Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, may be counted as badges, but the badge proper emerged later.
Chapter 62
How did the badge differ from the crest in method of use?
The author argues the real difference lay in use: the crest was the ornament upon the helmet, seldom if ever worn, and never used except by the person to whom it belonged. The badge was never placed on the helmet but was worn by servants and retainers and stamped on the owner's belongings as a sign of ownership.
Chapter 62
What is a rebus, and how does it differ from a badge?
The author describes the rebus as a pictorial signature—a word represented by a picture, following Dr. Johnson's definition. It never had heraldic status and seldom more than temporary existence. Examples include a beacon issuing from a tun for Bishop Beckynton, and a comb and tun for Thomas Conyston. The rebus is not the person's arms, crest, or badge.
Chapter 62
What is the origin of the broad arrow used to mark Government stores?
The author says the broad arrow, the most familiar surviving badge, is not a Crown badge at all. Though disputed, it is said to have originated when a member of the Sydney family, as Master of the Ordnance, marked stores with his private badge of the broad arrow to prevent disputes. The author argues it should either be made a recognized Royal badge or replaced.
Chapter 62
CHAPTER XXIX (part 2)4 cards
Why does Fox-Davies say strict heraldic rules cannot be applied to early arms and badges?
The author argues that in the period when arms were actually used in life there was greater laxity of rule than could be permitted later, when the multiplication of arms as paper insignia made regulation necessary and more restrictive. He adds that badges were largely a matter of personal caprice, so occasional variations need not vitiate a conclusion.
Chapter 63
What does the chapter say about how badges descended, and what evidence is uncertain?
The author states plainly that nobody knows how badges descended, and that dogmatic answers are risky. He notes the 1720 Stafford exemplification could be read as evidence that badges descend to the heir-general like quarterings, but it may instead be a re-grant, and it is silent on the badges' future destination.
Chapter 63
What were Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham's livery colours, and how do they appear among his badges?
Scarlet and black are known to have been the livery colours of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, who was beheaded in 1521. Of the eighteen Stafford badges, eight are on a parti-coloured field with dexter sable and sinister gules, and the arms of the town of Buckingham are on a field per pale sable and gules.
Chapter 63
What does the chapter say about the Black Prince ostrich-feather legend and Nicolas's alternative?
The author says the old legend that the Black Prince won the ostrich-feather badge and motto 'Ich dien' at Crécy by capturing John of Bohemia has long been exploded. Sir Harris Nicolas suggested the feather was originally a badge of the Counts of Hainault, but the author notes this would not explain its use by the Mowbrays.
Chapter 63
CHAPTER XXIX (part 3)4 cards
What two distinct badges combined to form Edward IV's rose-en-soleil?
The rose-en-soleil used by King Edward IV was a combination of two separate badges: the blazing sun of York and the white rose of York. The white and red roses of York and Lancaster are noted as badges already discussed earlier in the book, and the rose appears again in a compound badge dimidiated with the pomegranate of Catharine of Aragon.
Chapter 64
What badges is Henry VII best known for, and what origin is suggested for the portcullis?
Henry VII is best known for two badges: the crowned portcullis and the sun-burst. The suggested origin of the portcullis is that it was a pun on the name Tudor (two-door), confirmed by the motto 'Altera securitas,' though this is somewhat vitiated by the fact that the Beauforts, who had no Tudor descent, also used it. The author argues the sun-burst pictorially represents 'Windsor' as 'winds of or.'
Chapter 64
Which badge did Richard III use as Duke of Gloucester, and what knot is most famous?
Richard III, as Duke of Gloucester, used a white boar. Among the various family knots, the best known is the Stafford knot. The author notes that wholesale and improper appropriation of this badge with a territorial application has caused it to be widely called the 'Staffordshire' knot, and that its status as the personal badge of the Lords Stafford is too often overlooked. Other knots include the Wake or Ormonde, Bourchier, and Heneage knots.
Chapter 64
How did Royal badges change in character after Queen Anne's reign?
Personal badges of members of the Royal Family continued in use until the reign of Queen Anne, but from that time forward Royal badges took on a territorial character: the rose of England, the thistle of Scotland, and the shamrock of Ireland. Popular consent added the lotus-flower for India, the maple for Canada, and to a lesser degree the wattle or mimosa for Australia, though these lack official confirmation. The rose and thistle appeared on Coronation Invitation Cards.
Chapter 64
CHAPTER XXX4 cards
According to the chapter, what is the proper heraldic term for a flag of arms, and what does 'standard' actually mean?
The author argues flags of arms are properly called banners, not standards; calling the Royal Arms flag the Royal Standard is a misnomer. A standard was the long tapering battle flag under which an overlord mustered retainers. It did not display his armorial bearings: next to the staff came the cross of St. George on white, then the livery colours with badges, crest, and motto on transverse bands.
Chapter 65
Which ensigns belong to which naval services, and where may they be flown?
The white ensign (cross of St. George with the Union device in the upper quarter next the staff) belongs to the Royal Navy and certain privileged individuals by specific warrant. The blue ensign belongs to the Royal Naval Reserve, and the red ensign to the merchant service. All three were created by warrants for sea purposes, so none should be hoisted on land, though no penalty applies there.
Chapter 65
Why does the author reject adding a bordure or colonial emblem to the Union Jack?
The author argues the Union Jack combines the emblems of three patron saints—St. George, St. Andrew, and St. Patrick—not territorial flags, since no change was made for Hanover. He compares adding a non-saintly bordure to putting a ballet-dancer's skirt over a Guards uniform, and says colonies have no recognised patron saints whose emblem could be added.
Chapter 65
What should a private person's flag display, and what proportions should it have?
As the law stands, the author states a private person's flag should bear that person's private arms if he has any; if he has none, he should forego the pleasures of bunting. A private flag should be double its height in length, and the entire surface should be occupied by the coat of arms. These flags of arms are properly termed banners.
Chapter 65
CHAPTER XXXI (part 1)4 cards
How does the British system of cadency marks differ from Continental practice?
The author argues that an organised, rule-based system for indicating cadency is a purely British development. On the Continent, different branches did use variations of family arms—France especially used the bordure—but no other country developed a formal system or set of rules. British heraldry is notable for having two distinct sets, English and Scottish, with the Irish system identical to the English.
Chapter 66
What was the status of an undifferenced coat of arms in early times?
The author argues arms held a position between territorial and personal: they belonged to a family, but for the time being to the member who owned the land. The Grey and Hastings controversy, decided before 1410, gave the undifferenced Hastings arms to the heir-general, while the heir-male could bear them only with a mark of difference. The Scrope and Grosvenor case held a bordure insufficient difference for a stranger in blood.
Chapter 66
What was the label originally used for, and was it limited to the heir?
The label, probably dating to the thirteenth century, is the earliest mark of cadency and indicated the eldest son. It was not originally confined to the heir: it was at first the only method of differencing known, so other cadets used it simply to show they were not Head of the House. In some cases, such as Courtenay, Babington and Barrington, it became a fixed charge.
Chapter 66
How did the bordure function as a mark of cadency in English and Scottish practice?
The bordure as a cadency mark can be traced as established rule and precedent to the Scrope and Grosvenor controversy of the late fourteenth century. In English practice it never meant more than that the bearer was not head of the house, and modern English cadets use it only if their ancestors did. The author notes a unique Scottish system of cadency bordures.
Chapter 66
CHAPTER XXXI (part 2)4 cards
How did the Berkeley arms evolve from a simple chevron to the present coat?
Early Berkeley seals of Robert (d. 4 Henry III) and Maurice (d. 1281) show a shield with a chevron only; Moris de Barkele in the Henry III roll bore gules, a chevron argent. Thomas, son of Maurice (d. 15 Edward II), bore the present coat: gules, a chevron between ten crosses patée argent. Scottish Barclays differenced by tincture: azure, a chevron argent between three crosses patée.
Chapter 67
What are the English marks of cadency for the second through ninth sons?
Second son: crescent; third: mullet; fourth: martlet; fifth: annulet; sixth: fleur-de-lis; seventh: rose; eighth: cross moline; ninth: double quatrefoil. Bossewell's 1572 work gives the first six and adds that beyond six brethren the assignment of further difference belongs to the kings of arms, not the father.
Chapter 67
What label does the eldest son bear, and what happens to it on succession?
The eldest son differences with a label of three points couped at the ends, placed in the centre chief point, during his father's lifetime, succeeding to the undifferenced shield at his father's death. No fixed colour rule exists; it is usually chosen to avoid metal on metal, colour on colour, and argent. His children difference upon the label only while the grandfather lives.
Chapter 67
How does the English cadency system avoid endless stacked difference marks?
The author argues the stacked marks (crescent on crescent, etc.) become absurdly small, but the objection largely disappears because once a cadet branch possesses a quartering not enjoyed by the head of the house, all need for difference marks ends, provided the quartering is always displayed; that branch then redifferences afresh. Few English families go three or four generations without an heiress marriage.
Chapter 67
CHAPTER XXXI (part 3)4 cards
Why are marks of difference never added to arms granted by Royal Licence after illegitimacy?
The chapter states that marks of difference indicate cadency, and no cadency is vested in a person of illegitimate birth, since their right to the arms comes only from the regrant in the exemplification. Instead, a mark of distinction is added to indicate the bastardy. Each person requires a separate Royal Licence and exemplification, and descendants of a daughter may quarter the differenced coat exemplified to her.
Chapter 68
Why did the heir-apparent's label change from azure to argent after Edward III?
The chapter explains that when Edward III claimed the French throne and quartered France with England, part of the field became azure, so a blue label on a blue field was no longer possible. The heir-apparent therefore used a plain label of three points argent, which has remained the difference of the heir-apparent ever since. Similarly, a gules label on the gules England quarter was impossible, so all royal labels became argent.
Chapter 68
How are labels for members of the Royal Family currently assigned?
The chapter says separate warrants under the sovereign's hand and seal assign each member a certain coronet and the label to be borne over the Royal Arms, crest, and supporters. These warrants are personal and not hereditary. The author notes their use has not been closely conformed to, citing the Duchess of Fife, Princess Victoria, and the Queen of Norway still bearing five-point labels from Queen Victoria's lifetime.
Chapter 68
What label does the eldest son of the heir-apparent bear, and how is it charged?
The chapter states it is not a plain label of five points, as might be imagined, but the plain label of three points with only the centre point charged. The late Duke of Clarence charged the centre with a cross couped gules; after his death the Duke of York gave up his five-point label for one of three, the centre charged with an anchor. In every other case all points are charged.
Chapter 68
CHAPTER XXXI (part 4)2 cards
What does the chapter say about the bordure compony and illegitimacy?
The author notes the bordure compony in Scotland and bordure wavy in England now signify illegitimacy, but neither originally carried that meaning. The doubtful legitimacy of the Avondale and Ochiltree Stewarts, and its use by the Beauforts, brought the difference into disrepute, yet some early bearers in the Lyon Register were unquestionably legitimate. A 1679 warrant let John Lundin bear Scotland's arms within a bordure compony.
Chapter 69
How do the Swinton arms change across the seals described in the chapter?
The author traces Swinton seals: about 1271 a single boar; by 1378 three boars' heads; in 1389 Sir John de Swinton uses supporters, helmet, coronet and crest matching Lord Basset's Garter plate. In 1475 a third Sir John uses the crest and shield descendants still carry. In 1598 Robert altered the boars' heads and added a charge, probably a Hepburn rose, later removed, with heads reversed.
Chapter 69
CHAPTER XXXII (part 1)4 cards
What does Fox-Davies say about the term 'bar sinister'?
The author argues the 'bar sinister' is an utter misnomer, since a bar is neither dexter nor sinister and cannot be drawn sinister. He explains the real origin is the French 'barre sinistre,' where French 'barre' means a bend, not the English bar. So the correct English term is bend sinister, and the error lies in spelling.
Chapter 70
Were heraldic marks of illegitimacy originally enforced as punishment?
No. The author argues these marks were not invented or enforced as punishment or disgrace. They arose when legitimate and illegitimate descendants both existed and the true line of descent needed recording. The mark showed the arms were not evidence of heirship, safeguarding the real possessors and their heirs rather than penalising the bastard.
Chapter 70
What was the only rule for marks of illegitimacy in early heraldry?
The author states there were no rules until the eighteenth or perhaps nineteenth century. The only rule was that the arms must be sufficiently marked in some way, and any plain distinction was accepted as sufficient. No distinction was made when an illegitimate son succeeded to his father's lands and honours.
Chapter 70
Which marks were most used for illegitimacy, and what right remained?
The bend, then the bend sinister, emerged as most frequent, with the bend sinister eventually exclusive in England. The author notes the sinister bendlet or cottise was more common than a plain bend sinister. A person of bastard descent always retained the right to discard the bastardised coat and adopt a new, sufficiently distinct coat of arms.
Chapter 70
CHAPTER XXXII (part 2)4 cards
What heraldic right does an illegitimate child inherit under English law?
None at all. The author argues that an illegitimate person inherits no arms, no name, and no property except by specific devise or bequest. The popular idea that such a person inherits arms subject to a mark of distinction is incorrect; illegitimacy is negative, not positive, so no mark attaches automatically as the English marks of difference do for legitimate sons.
Chapter 71
What are the two courses open to an illegitimate person seeking a right to arms?
He may obtain a new grant of arms on his own basis without disclosing illegitimacy, treated like a stranger in blood and paying the usual £76, 10s. in fees. Alternatively, he may avow his bastardy, prove paternity or maternity, and petition for a Royal Licence to use the family name and arms, which are then exemplified with due marks of distinction.
Chapter 71
What marks of distinction are used for arms and crests under a Royal Licence?
For the arms, a bordure wavy round the shield, preferably of a colour or metal not in the arms. The crest is usually differenced by a bendlet sinister wavy, sometimes a pallet wavy or saltire wavy, the choice depending on the crest. The author argues the bendlet wavy sinister is such a defacement that few would care to use a crest so marked.
Chapter 71
How does Scottish heraldry mark illegitimacy, and how does it differ from England?
In Scotland the mark is the bordure compony, though it is usually but not always indicative of illegitimacy; the bordure counter-compony is occasionally said to serve the same purpose, but the bordure chequy has nothing illegitimate about it. Scottish heraldry does not mark crests at all, whereas bastardising crests in England is a comparatively modern practice.
Chapter 71
CHAPTER XXXII (part 3)3 cards
In the example given, how are the two stags' heads described in the blazon?
The blazon reads "two stags' heads caboshed argent, attired or." This means the heads are shown caboshed (cut off cleanly behind the ears and displayed without a neck), colored argent (silver/white), with antlers (attired) colored or (gold). The example illustrates how heraldic terms combine to specify number, position, tincture, and the treatment of antlers.
Chapter 72
What does the heraldic term "caboshed" mean when applied to an animal's head?
Caboshed describes an animal's head shown cut off cleanly behind the ears and set facing the viewer, with no neck visible. It is distinct from couped, which refers to a head or limb cut off smoothly, and from erased, which shows a jagged tearing. The chapter's example of stags' heads caboshed argent demonstrates the term in a full blazon.
Chapter 72
What tincture is indicated by the term "attired" in the stags' heads example?
In the blazon "two stags' heads caboshed argent, attired or," attired refers to the antlers (horns) of the stag, and or means gold. So the heads are silver/white while the antlers are gold. The term applies specifically to the horns of a stag or similar beast, allowing the antlers to be blazoned in a different tincture from the head.
Chapter 72
CHAPTER XXXIII (part 1)3 cards
What are the four methods of marshalling arms listed in the chapter?
The chapter names four methods: (1) dimidiation, (2) impalement, (3) quartering, and (4) superimposition. Marshalling is defined as conjoining two or more coats on one shield to indicate sovereignty, dominion, alliance, descent, or pretension, according to recognised rules, so that the story of any achievement can be read.
Chapter 73
Why did dimidiation fall out of use in favor of impalement?
Dimidiation split the shield down the centre, placing half of the husband's arms on the dexter and half of the wife's on the sinister. With coats sharing an ordinary, the result looked like one simple coat rather than a conjunction. Two-thirds of each design were then introduced, and it became apparent the whole design could fit, producing impalement.
Chapter 73
When are a wife's arms placed on an escutcheon of pretence rather than impaled?
If the wife is not an heraldic heiress, the two coats are impaled. If she is an heraldic heir or coheir, the arms of her family are placed on an inescutcheon superimposed on the centre of her husband's arms, called an escutcheon of pretence, because jure uxoris the husband 'pretends' to the representation of her family.
Chapter 73
CHAPTER XXXIII (part 2)4 cards
How are a husband's and wife's arms combined when the wife is an heiress?
A commoner impales his wife's arms on the sinister side of the shield. If she is an heiress, he instead places her arms on an escutcheon of pretence in the centre of his own shield, as shown in the chapter's figures. A peer follows the same rules, with the wife's arms under the protection of his supporters, coronet, and helmet.
Chapter 74
How does a peeress in her own right display arms when she marries a commoner?
She cannot confer rank on her husband. He places her arms on an escutcheon of pretence surmounted by her coronet, but her supporters cannot be added to his shield. Her arms are repeated alone on a lozenge on the sinister side, with her coronet above and her supporters flanking the lozenge.
Chapter 74
What does the chapter say about a peeress by creation who is not an heiress?
The author argues armory provides no clear method. Such a peeress cannot use an escutcheon of pretence because she is not an heiress, so there is no way on the husband's shield to show her rank. The author cites Baroness Stratheden, created a peeress while not an heiress, and admits he is ignorant of the correct display.
Chapter 74
What rule governs impaling a wife's arms, and what did the 1561 Chapter decree?
It is incorrect to impale more than the wife's pronominal coat; impaling a quartered shield is definitely incorrect. The 1561 Chapter at the Embroiderers' Hall agreed an inheritrix, whether maid, wife, or widow, should not bear ancestors' crests: unmarried she bears the first coat in a lozenge, and in widowhood sets the husband's first coat in pale with her ancestor's first coat.
Chapter 74
CHAPTER XXXIII (part 3)4 cards
How are arms impaled for a man with two wives?
Either the husband's arms sit in the centre with the first wife on the dexter and the second on the sinister, or the husband's arms occupy the dexter side while the sinister is divided in fess, the first wife in chief and the second in base. The chapter notes the former method is more generally employed.
Chapter 75
Why can't a man display escutcheons of pretence for two heiress wives?
An escutcheon of pretence must sit in the exact centre; removed from that position it ceases to be an escutcheon of pretence. So if more than one wife is an heiress, separate escutcheons should be used for each marriage. The chapter also notes one wife's arms might be in pretence while other coats are impaled.
Chapter 75
When may a husband place his wife's arms on an escutcheon of pretence?
Not during her father's lifetime, since a re-marriage and a son and heir remain possible. No man is compelled to use an escutcheon of pretence; impaling alone correctly indicates the marriage if he prefers. The chapter adds that the regular practice of an heiress-wife's arms en surtout arose about the early seventeenth century.
Chapter 75
What makes a woman an heiress or coheir for transmitting quarterings?
She is an heiress if she is an only child, if all her brothers die without issue in her lifetime, or if the entire issue of her brothers becomes extinct in her lifetime. She is an 'heiress in her issue' if she dies before her brothers and all their descendants later become extinct. Quarterings can only be inherited through such female ancestors.
Chapter 75
CHAPTER XXXIII (part 4)3 cards
During the Plantagenet period, how many quarters were ordinarily placed on a shield?
The author asserts that during the Plantagenet period no more than four quarters were ordinarily placed upon a shield. In only one pre-Tudor Garter plate is a shield found with more than four quarters—that of the Duke D'Urbino—and the author suggests it may not count as a true instance, since his added quarterings may have been an augmentation placed in pale in the centre.
Chapter 76
What rule governs the order in which inherited quarterings are marshalled?
The author states that all quarterings inherited from the father must first be arranged in proper sequence, then followed in the same sequence by the arms and quarterings inherited from the mother. The order of devolution according to the pedigree, not the date order of inheritance, must be rigidly adhered to. A man may repeat only the first quartering to make an even number, and may arrange the quarters in any number of rows.
Chapter 76
May a person display a later quartering while omitting the one that brought it in?
No. The author insists it is entirely wrong to display quarterings without those quarterings which brought them into the paternal line. Using the Brown/Smith/Jones/Robinson example, one may quarter Brown with Smith, or Brown, Smith, and Jones, but not Jones and Robinson while omitting Smith, because there was never a match between Brown and Jones. Quarterings signifying mere representation are optional.
Chapter 76
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Under an English or Irish Royal Licence, how are assumed-name and old paternal arms quartered?
The arms for the assumed name are placed in the first and fourth quarters, and the old paternal arms in the second and third. The chapter states this is an invariable rule in English and Irish Royal Licences. The resulting quarterly coat becomes an indivisible coat for the new name and may not later be divided.
Chapter 77
What limits does a Royal Licence have regarding prior rights to arms?
A Royal Licence only nullifies a prior right to arms to the extent of the terms recited in the Letters Patent of exemplification. The terms, especially regarding remainder, must be carefully borne in mind, since exemplifications may be for a limited period or devolve with specified property. Ordinarily, though, such an exemplification is equivalent to a new grant affecting all descendants.
Chapter 77
How does the chapter treat Royal quarterings in a scheme of quarterings?
The author argues the old rule giving Royal quarterings precedence in the first quarter has long been superseded; they now take position like other quarterings. He traces the rule to the Mowbray precedent, which he says was not an exact precedent because the Brotherton arms were granted to the Mowbrays rather than inherited as a quartering.
Chapter 77
What happens when a Royal Licence grants a name but says nothing about arms?
If a Royal Licence assumes a name and makes no reference to the family's arms, the arms remain unchanged for all purposes, as if no Royal Licence had ever been issued. Also, if a licence exemplifies only a single coat, it is wrong to introduce another coat to convert it into a sub-quarterly one.
Chapter 77
CHAPTER XXXIII (part 6)4 cards
What two methods of marshalling does the chapter say are more usual on the Continent than in these kingdoms?
The chapter identifies per fess and dimidiation as methods of conjunction more usual on the Continent than they ever were in these kingdoms. It notes that subdivision of the field is most frequently adopted, though English armory is usually confined to quartering, while German armory knows no such restrictions.
Chapter 78
How does the chapter explain the German method of conjunction by incorporation?
The author explains incorporation by example: a coat per fess argent and gules marshalled with gules, a fleur-de-lis argent yields per fess argent and gules, a fleur-de-lis counterchanged. With smaller objects charges are usually duplicated, so per bend argent and azure with argent, a star of six points azure gives two stars counterchanged.
Chapter 78
What does the chapter say about incorporation being pleaded in British heraldry?
The author states that the German method of conjunction by incorporation has frequently been pleaded in British heraldry to account for ancient arms, but in Britain, save for occasional cadency differencing at an early and limited period, such incorporation only results in and signifies an originally new coat, not an authorised marshalling of prior arms.
Chapter 78
How are three coats conjoined, and what Continental practice does the chapter mention for surrounding one coat with another?
The chapter describes a curious method of conjoining three coats by engrafting the third in base. It also notes the constant use of the inescutcheon and the widespread Continental practice, found largely in Spanish and Portuguese heraldry, of surrounding one coat with a bordure of another, with early English examples in Figs. 706 and 710.
Chapter 78
CHAPTER XXXIV3 cards
Which Garter Stall plate first shows the garter encircling the shield?
Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, elected a Knight of the Garter around 1469, has the first Stall plate bearing the garter encircling the shield. The next such plates are those of Viscount Lovel and the Earl of Derby, both elected in 1483. The author notes the Duke's privy seal shows the Golden Fleece collar, suggesting the custom came from the Continent.
Chapter 79
What armorial differences distinguish Knights Grand Cross, Knights Commanders, and Companions of the Bath?
A Knight Grand Cross surrounds his arms with the circlet and then the collar, from which the badge depends; military G.C.B.s add the laurel wreath between circlet and collar. Knights Commanders have no collar and cannot claim supporters, but use the circlet and suspend the badge below the shield by its ribbon. Companions do not use the circlet or a knight's helmet; they only suspend the badge from a ribbon below the shield.
Chapter 79
What does the author argue is the origin of the circlet surrounding a shield?
The author argues the practice came from the Continent, where arms were long displayed upon the star of an order. Every British order's star, the Garter included, contains the circlet and motto, so depicting the shield on the star naturally results in the circlet surrounding the shield. No armorial warrant is issued at an order's creation; the circlet is simply taken from the star.
Chapter 79
CHAPTER XXXV4 cards
What can no woman except a Sovereign inherit, use, or transmit in armory?
No woman, save a Sovereign, can inherit, use, or transmit a crest or motto, nor may she use a helmet or mantling. Unmarried daughters bear the paternal arms and quarterings on a lozenge, with the father's difference marks; if the mother was an heiress, they quarter her arms with the father's.
Chapter 80
How does Scottish heraldic law treat seniority among daughters differently from England?
In England, save in the Royal Family (and even there only by presumption), there is no seniority among daughters; all bear the father's difference marks and none distinguishing them from each other. In Scotland seniority exists by priority of birth, and when a line with supporters vests in coheirs, the eldest daughter assumes the supporters unless otherwise limited.
Chapter 80
What does the 1558 grant to Dame Mary Mathew show about a married woman's arms?
The earliest known grant to a woman (1558), to Dame Mary Mathew, wife of Sir Andrew Jude, painted the arms on a shield, not a lozenge, and did not impale her husband's arms, though the grant was made in his lifetime. The author argues this suggests a married lady bears arms in her own right, on a shield, without reference to her husband.
Chapter 80
What does the author say about the true lover's knot on an unmarried lady's lozenge?
The lozenge of an unmarried lady is frequently surmounted by a true lover's knot of ribbon, usually painted blue. It has no particular meaning and no official recognition, though it has plenty of official use; its status is no more than a piece of supposedly artistic ornament. It is not considered correct for a widow to use it.
Chapter 80
CHAPTER XXXVI3 cards
What did the High Constable of France bear as an official heraldic emblem?
Two swords held on each side of the shield by two hands in armour issuing from the clouds. This is listed among the Royal French Court insignia, in a chapter noting that France long set the example in such official heraldic emblems of office.
Chapter 81
What insignia does the Bishop of Durham uniquely display behind his arms?
The Bishop of Durham has a coronetted mitre peculiar to himself, and, as another privilege peculiar to himself alone, he places a sword and a crosier in saltire behind his arms. Ordinary bishops have a mitre and two crosiers in saltire behind the escutcheon.
Chapter 81
What distinguishes a baronet of Nova Scotia's badge from that of other baronets?
A baronet of Nova Scotia has his helmet of rank and a badge consisting of an orange tawny ribbon, whereon hangs pendent in an escutcheon argent a saltire azure, thereon an inescutcheon of the arms of Scotland with an imperial crown over the escutcheon, encircled with the motto 'Fax Mentis Honestæ Gloria' pendent below.
Chapter 81
CHAPTER XXXVII4 cards
What distinguishes an augmentation of honour from an ordinary grant of arms?
An ordinary grant of arms is theoretically from the Crown but is left to the Earl Marshal's discretion and obtainable on payment of usual fees by persons living in the style of life where arms are usual. An augmentation is an especial mark of favour from the Sovereign, granted by Royal Warrant under the hand and Privy Seal, and must be exemplified and recorded in the College of Arms.
Chapter 82
What augmentation did Sir John de Pelham receive, and for what?
Sir John de Pelham shared in the glory of the Battle of Poictiers and in the capture of the French King John. To commemorate this he was granted two round buckles with thongs, borne on a field gules and quartered with the Pelham family arms of three pelicans argent. The quarterly coat still forms part of the arms of Lord Chichester and Lord Yarborough.
Chapter 82
What augmentation did Dr. Edward Lake receive for his conduct at Naseby?
Dr. Edward Lake fought bravely for the King at Naseby and received no less than sixteen wounds; when his left arm was useless he put the bridle between his teeth and fought on. His quartering of augmentation was a dexter arm embowed in armour holding a sword, with a banner charged with a cross between sixteen escutcheons, the sixteen shields typifying his sixteen wounds.
Chapter 82
What augmentation did the Lane family receive, and what curious privilege followed?
After Charles II returned, the Lanes were granted the canton of England added to their shield — the only family given such an honour — and later a crest of a strawberry-roan horse holding the Royal crown. Because the Royal Arms were exempted when armorial bearings were taxed, the Lane family claimed and obtained exemption from the tax on account of this canton.
Chapter 82
CHAPTER XXXVIII4 cards
What does British ecclesiastical heraldry mainly consist of, according to the chapter?
The author states it consists in Britain exclusively of the official arms assigned to archiepiscopal and episcopal sees, the mitres and crosiers added to shields, and certain ecclesiastical symbols used as charges. The cardinal's hat was formerly recognized and would still be certified above a Roman cardinal's arms, but the varied ecclesiastical hats of Continental heraldry are unknown to British armory.
Chapter 83
How did an abbot's mitre and crosier differ from a bishop's?
The abbot's mitre had no labels (infulae) hanging within it, unlike a bishop's. The abbot's crosier had its crook curved inwards, with the terminal point contained within the hook, while a bishop's point turned outwards at the bottom of the crook. The author says this typifies the abbot's confined jurisdiction versus the bishop's wider jurisdiction, though he notes the distinction has been disputed.
Chapter 83
Which archiepiscopal sees use the pallium, and what is the exception?
With the single exception of York, the archiepiscopal coats all include the pallium in some form. Canterbury, Armagh, and Dublin display it; Dublin's pallium bears five crosses instead of four. York uses gules, two keys in saltire argent, with a royal crown in chief. The author notes it remains unexplained why the pallium was discarded for York.
Chapter 83
Why does the Bishop of Durham use a sword and crosier and a coronetted mitre?
Durham was a Palatinate until the early nineteenth century, and its bishops held temporal power and regality, described as kings within their bishoprics. So instead of two crosiers in saltire, Durham places a sword and crosier in saltire behind the shield, signifying temporal and spiritual jurisdiction. The coronet encircling the mitre's rim represents his temporal status, not part of the actual mitre.
Chapter 83
CHAPTER XXXIX3 cards
What do royal arms represent, according to the chapter?
The chapter states that royal arms differ from ordinary armorial bearings: they stand not for any particular area of land but for the intangible sovereignty vested in the rulers thereof. They are not necessarily, nor in fact, hereditary, and they pass by conquest.
Chapter 84
Which kings used 'Gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or' as the arms of England?
The chapter says this shield was used as the arms of England by Kings John, Henry III., Edward I., and Edward II. The quartering for France was only introduced later by Edward III.
Chapter 84
How did Edward III change the Royal shield, and what did it look like?
Edward III introduced the quartering for France. The resulting Royal shield was quarterly: 1 and 4, France ancient (azure, semé-de-lis or); 2 and 3, England (gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or). This shield was used under Edward III, Richard II, and Henry IV.
Chapter 84
CHAPTER XL3 cards
When did the custom of hatchments in England come into vogue and peak?
The author states no very early hatchments are known and concludes the custom probably came into vogue in England during the seventeenth century, reaching its height in the eighteenth. It likely originated in ceremonial shields and helmets carried at sixteenth-century funerals and left in the church, and in the earlier practice of setting up a deceased person's actual shield. The cessation of the ceremonial funeral led to the cult of the hatchment.
Chapter 85
What was the procedure for a hatchment after a death?
Immediately upon the death of a person of any social position, a hatchment of his or her arms was set up over the entrance to the house and remained twelve months during mourning. It was then taken down and removed to the church, where it was set up in perpetuity. No obligation existed upon a clergyman to permit erection or allow it to remain for any specified period.
Chapter 85
How did hatchment background colours indicate marital status?
This was the chief point distinguishing a hatchment from an ordinary armorial emblazonment. For an unmarried person the whole groundwork was black. For a husband or wife it was half black and half white, black behind the arms of the deceased and white behind the surviving partner. For a widow or widower the background was entirely black.
Chapter 85
CHAPTER XLI1 cards
What did the 1606 Proclamation of James I order regarding flags at sea?
To end quarrels between South and North Britaine seamen, all subjects of Great Britain were to bear in their main-top the Red Cross of St. George and the White Cross of St. Andrew joined together per the heralds' form. In the fore-top, South Britaine wore the Red Cross only and North Britaine the White Cross only, as accustomed.
Chapter 86
XLII. SEIZE-QUARTIERS 6184 cards
According to the author, why is Armory wrongly treated as a dead science?
The author argues Armory is a living, developing science, not a dead one. He notes the Sovereign can still create orders of knighthood, coronets, and ceremonials, and new coats of arms are still created, so its laws continue to change with altered manners and customs. He calls this view startling to those who associate Armory only with musty old parchments.
Chapter 87
What error do handbooks make about crests issuing from coronets?
The author argues the common textbook rule that a crest issuing from a coronet must not be placed on a wreath is wrong. He states there is no such rule, and that ancient and modern grants frequently allow coronets borne upon wreaths. The wreath should be inserted or omitted according to the original grant of the crest, so the so-called rule must be expunged.
Chapter 87
Why does the author warn against merging the laws of Arms of different kingdoms?
The author argues many errors arise from efforts to assimilate the laws of Armory in England, Scotland, and Ireland into one set of rules, and some writers even try to merge Continental rules with English ones. He states that many laws of Arms in England and Scotland are radically different, so care must be taken to point out these differences rather than assume uniformity.
Chapter 87
What does the author say about deducing Armory laws from known facts?
The author argues deduction from known facts is the truest way to ascertain the laws of Armory, but warns it can mislead. Exceptions to any rule are always numerous, making it hard to tell rule from exception. Also, the Sovereign, as fountain of honour, can override any law of Arms, and exceptional grants have wrongly been taken as demonstrating the laws.
Chapter 87
CHAPTER XLII (part 1)4 cards
What does proving 'Seize-Quartiers' actually require in British armory?
It requires showing that all sixteen great-great-grandparents were, in their own right, entitled to bear arms. The author stresses this is rarely provable in England and that there is no general legal 'test' of blood for peers, K.G.s, or C.B.s.
Chapter 88
How does the author explain England's lack of a rigid patrician/plebeian line?
The author argues two causes: early younger sons of gentle families entered commerce, and family affection prevented rigid exclusion from Society; and England lacks equivalents of the continental 'de,' 'van,' or 'von' prefixes. He calls the popular 'broad-minded superiority' explanation superficial.
Chapter 88
What is the relationship between inherited quarterings and Seize-Quartiers?
The author states there is no connection whatever between a list of inherited quarterings that may be displayed and Seize-Quartiers. The latter should never be marshalled together or displayed as quarterings.
Chapter 88
Whose case does the chapter cite as a proven English example of Seize-Quartiers?
The Duke of Leinster, for whom the chapter gives a detailed sixteen-quarter proof with names, dates, and marriages. The author also mentions Baron Mowbray, Segrave, and Stourton as the only Trente Deux Quartiers case he had seen.
Chapter 88
CHAPTER XLII (part 2)4 cards
What is a bend, and what are some of its varieties?
A bend is a diagonal band across the shield, and the chapter lists many varieties including barry, chequy, compony, cottised, dancetté, flory and counterflory, lozenge, raguly, sinister, and wavy. A bendlet is a smaller version, and bendy describes a field divided into diagonal stripes. The chapter also notes that charges can be placed on a bend.
Chapter 89
What is a bordure, and what variations does the chapter mention?
A bordure is a border around the edge of a shield. The chapter mentions bordures that are chequy, compony, counter-compony, and wavy, as well as bordures of England and Spain. It also notes an inescutcheon within a bordure and a rule of bordure. Bordures appear frequently in the index, indicating their importance in heraldry.
Chapter 89
What is cadency, and what does the chapter say about its marks?
Cadency is the system of differencing arms to indicate branches of a family. The chapter mentions cadency bordure, different marks of cadency, and rules for marks of cadency. It also notes that marks of cadency can appear on a semé field and that there are different marks for various purposes. The chapter references many specific instances of cadency marks.
Chapter 89
What are some examples of compartments and supporters in heraldry?
Compartments are the decorative bases on which supporters stand. The chapter mentions compartments for Belshes, John Hepburn, and Boston, as well as clouds as a compartment. Supporters include those for towns like Bombay, Cape Colony, and Birmingham, and for individuals like Lord Braye and the Marquess of Bute. The chapter also notes that cities can have supporters.
Chapter 89
CHAPTER XLII (part 3)4 cards
What does the chapter say about the arms of the German Emperor?
The chapter lists the German Emperor's arms at page 400 and notes his supporters at page 433. It also records that German electors and the Presidents of France are associated with mantlings at page 400. These are index-style references rather than descriptive accounts, so the chapter supplies page locations, not a full blazon of the imperial arms.
Chapter 90
What does the chapter record about the arms of the city of Glasgow?
The chapter lists the arms of Glasgow at page 263, the arms of the city of Glasgow at page 439, and the crest of Glasgow at page 163. It also mentions Glasgow among other entries such as the arms of Edinburgh and the arms of Dundee. The chapter gives page references rather than describing the charges.
Chapter 90
What does the chapter say about the Order of the Golden Fleece?
The chapter records the Golden Fleece, Order of the, with its badge at page 213 and page 261. It appears in the index alongside other orders such as the Distinguished Service Order and the Most Noble Order of the Garter. The chapter gives page references, not a description of the badge's design.
Chapter 90
What does the chapter record about the arms of the city of Dublin?
The chapter lists Dublin at page 126, the Archbishop of Dublin at page 584, the arms of Dublin at page 602, the city arms at page 381, and the visitations of Dublin at page 341. It also notes the insignia of the Archbishop. The chapter provides page references rather than describing the arms themselves.
Chapter 90
CHAPTER XLII (part 4)4 cards
What is the difference between a lion-léopardé and a lionné in heraldry?
The chapter lists lion-léopardé and lionné as distinct terms in its index of heraldic vocabulary. Lion-léopardé refers to a lion drawn in the attitude of a leopard, while lionné describes a lion's posture or form. Both terms appear alongside related entries such as lioncels, lioness, and lions, which the chapter treats as supporters and charges. Exact definitions are not given in this index portion.
Chapter 91
What does the chapter say about the mantling's colours and rules?
The chapter indexes mantling under several headings, including its colours, royal mantling, and rules for the colour of mantling. It also notes that badges appear on mantling and that mantling is associated with torse and crest. The specific rule for colouring mantling is referenced but not stated in this index portion, so the exact rule must be sought in the main text.
Chapter 91
How are supporters treated for knights and ladies according to the chapter?
The chapter indexes supporters to Knights Grand Cross, Knights Commanders, and Knights Bachelor, and separately notes supporters to ladies and to peers such as Lord Iveagh and Lord Kinnaird. It also records grants of supporters by the Lyon Office. The index indicates supporters were granted to various ranks and to women, but the precise conditions are not spelled out in this index portion.
Chapter 91
What does the chapter record about the Lyon King of Arms and Lyon Office?
The chapter lists Lyon King of Arms among the officers of arms, with entries for his arms, his crown, and his role in Scottish heraldry. It also references the Lyon Office and its grants of supporters. Related Scottish material includes the Lord Lyon's involvement with the Order of the Thistle and Scottish armorial practice, showing the Lyon's central place in Scottish heraldic administration.
Chapter 91
CHAPTER XLII (part 5)4 cards
What is the difference between potent and counter-potent in heraldry?
The chapter lists potent and counter-potent among heraldic furs, alongside potenté. Potent appears at pages 84 and 85, while counter-potent is also cited at pages 84 and 85. Potenté is given separately at pages 91, 94 and 95. The index does not define the patterns themselves, only recording where each term is treated.
Chapter 92
Which royal arms and standards does the chapter index under Portugal?
Under Portugal the chapter lists crests at page 343, the Royal Standard of Portugal at page 597, the Royal Arms of Portugal at page 482, and marks of cadency at page 482. These are index entries pointing to where Portuguese royal heraldry is discussed, not descriptions of the arms themselves.
Chapter 92
What does the chapter record about supporters in Scotland?
The chapter indexes Scotland with laws concerning the use of supporters at page 424, the right to bear supporters in Scotland at page 422, and Scottish practice regarding supporters at page 423. It also notes that the laws on supporters differ from English practice. The entries point to where these rules are discussed rather than stating them.
Chapter 92
What does the chapter say about the Scrope and Grosvenor case?
The chapter lists Scrope and Grosvenor together at pages 22, 28, 68, 110, 478 and 481, and gives Scrope supporters at page 421. This famous heraldic dispute over the right to arms is thus cross-referenced in several places. The index does not summarize the outcome, only where the case is treated.
Chapter 92
CHAPTER XLII (part 6)4 cards
What does the chapter say about the arms of an unmarried lady?
The index entry for an unmarried lady points to a lozenge of arms at page 572. This reflects the heraldic convention that unmarried women bear their arms on a lozenge rather than a shield. The chapter itself is an index, so it records the topic and page reference rather than explaining the rule in detail.
Chapter 93
How does the chapter treat the arms of a widow and a wife?
The index lists a widow's arms at pages 146, 533, and 573, and wife's impalements at pages 535 through 538. This indicates the book discusses distinct treatment for married women's impaled arms and for widows' arms. The chapter is an index, so it gives page references rather than the substantive rules themselves.
Chapter 93
What does the chapter record about grants of arms to women?
The index entry 'Woman, grant to a' cites pages 57, 62, and 574, and a separate entry covers an illegitimate woman under Royal Licence at page 554. This shows the book addresses grants of arms to women and a Royal Licence procedure in illegitimacy cases. The chapter supplies only the references, not the underlying rules.
Chapter 93
What does the chapter note about mottoes in visitations?
The index entry 'Visitations, mottoes in' refers to page 449. This indicates the book discusses mottoes in connection with heraldic visitations at that page. Since this chapter is the index, it provides only the topic and page number, not the content of the discussion.
Chapter 93
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Text used: Project Gutenberg eBook #41617 (Public domain in the United States). Generated from the full text; cards paraphrase the source.
Version: Public domain edition. Retrieved 2026-10-30. Cards reviewed 2026-10-30.
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