This Hakluyt Society edition presents the anonymous eyewitness journal of Vasco da Gama's 1497–1499 voyage to India, with editorial notes on sources and text. The deck covers the journal's structure, its supplementary material, and the editor's arguments about the voyage's significance and da Gama's standing.
1 / 261
Chapter 1 · Question
Who translated and edited this Hakluyt Society edition of Gama's journal?
WakeCards · wakecards.com · Big ideas. Quick review.
Chapter 1 · Answer
E. G. Ravenstein, F.R.G.S., translated and edited the journal, supplying notes, an introduction, and appendices. The volume was issued by the Hakluyt Society as First Series No. XCIX in 1898, and later reprinted by Burt Franklin of New York. Ravenstein is listed as a corresponding member of the Geographical Society of Lisbon.
WakeCards · wakecards.com · Big ideas. Quick review.
Arrow keys move between cards. Space or Enter flips.
All questions and answers
Every card in the deck, in reading order. Click a chapter to expand. The reviewer above uses the same content.
Section 14 cards
Who translated and edited this Hakluyt Society edition of Gama's journal?
E. G. Ravenstein, F.R.G.S., translated and edited the journal, supplying notes, an introduction, and appendices. The volume was issued by the Hakluyt Society as First Series No. XCIX in 1898, and later reprinted by Burt Franklin of New York. Ravenstein is listed as a corresponding member of the Geographical Society of Lisbon.
Chapter 1
According to the table of contents, what are the main divisions of the journal?
The journal is divided into The Voyage Out, Calecut, and The Voyage home. The Voyage Out runs from Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, across the Southern Atlantic, around the Cape, up the East African coast to Malindi, and across the Arabian Sea. Calecut covers arrival, the Zamorin's audiences, and detention at Pandarani; the return covers Anjediva, Malindi, and the Rio Grande.
Chapter 1
What supplementary material follows the journal in this volume?
Eight appendices follow: two letters of King Manuel from 1499; Girolamo Sernigi's letters of 1499; three Portuguese accounts of the voyage (1608, 1612, 1646); Gama's ships and their equipment; a muster-roll of the fleet; a study of the voyage; early maps illustrating the voyage; and honours and rewards bestowed on Gama, 1499-1524.
Chapter 1
What does the contents list for the Calecut section include?
It covers arrival, a description of Calecut, anchoring at Pandarani, Gama's going to Calecut, a Christian church, progress through the town, the King's palace, a royal audience, a night's lodging, presents for the Zamorin, a second audience, return to Pandarani, detention there, the Portuguese merchandise, Diogo Dias carrying a message, and Calecut's commerce.
Chapter 1
Section 24 cards
What corrections does the editor make about the pilot's name and the date of an event?
The editor corrects the pilot's name from Escovar to Pero Escolar (p. 148, line 20; p. 175, line 60), noting that a Pero Escovar is separately mentioned by Barros as a Gold Coast discoverer in 1471, and that another Pero Escovar went as pilot to the Congo in 1490. The editor also corrects "August 23" to "August 24" (p. 73, line 17).
Chapter 2
What did Da Gama's discovery of the ocean route to India accomplish, according to the introduction?
The introduction states that the 1497-98 discovery confirmed the hypothesis of a circumambient ocean, first put forward by Hecataeus but rejected by Ptolemy and his followers. It also diverted the profitable spice trade with the East, which had passed through Syria and Alexandria, into a new channel. As a result, Venice lost her monopoly and Lisbon became for a time the great spice-market of Europe.
Chapter 2
What does the author argue about whether Portugal benefited from its Eastern enterprises?
The author argues that Portugal was a small country whose resources were hardly equal to its continuous wars with the Moors, and that maintaining fleets in the distant East to enforce its spice monopoly exhausted and ruined it. The author asks whether Portugal would be happier and richer had the wealth of the Indies never been poured into her lap only to breed corruption.
Chapter 2
How does the author rank Da Gama against Magellan and Columbus, and why?
The author argues Magellan deserves first place for first guiding a ship across the Pacific, and Columbus is almost universally given second place because his unconscious discovery of a new world was far more far-reaching than an ocean highway to India, now largely discarded in favour of the route across the isthmus of Suez. The author notes the contention that Columbus originated his scheme while Da Gama obeyed his King's behests, and says there is much truth in it.
Chapter 2
Section 34 cards
Why did João II's councillors advise declining Columbus's offer?
The chapter states that the councillors of D. João II acted wisely in advising him to decline Columbus's offers, because Portugal's resources were unequal to pursuing a western route and continuing efforts to open a route around southern Africa at the same time. Thus Columbus discovered a new world for Castile and Leon, not Portugal.
Chapter 3
How did Vasco da Gama's Atlantic crossing compare with Columbus's?
The author argues da Gama's task was far more difficult. Columbus sailed west 2,600 miles in thirty-six days with prevailing easterly winds to reach Guanahani. Da Gama conceived a direct mid-Atlantic course from the Cape Verde Islands to the Cape of Good Hope, covering 3,770 miles direct, but winds and currents forced a circuitous route: ninety-three days at sea before his first landfall north of St. Helena Bay.
Chapter 3
Whose charts were more accurate, according to the chapter?
The author argues da Gama's pilots were superior to Columbus in chart accuracy. Accepting the Cantino Chart as representative, the greatest latitude error was 1° 40´. Columbus's errors were far more considerable: his Journal thrice gives Cuba's north coast as 42° by observation, and Juan de la Cosa's chart extends Cuba to 35° N instead of 23° 10´.
Chapter 3
What sources exist for da Gama's first voyage, and how reliable is Correa?
Da Gama's original reports disappeared. The main contemporary account by a expedition member is the Roteiro or Journal; other contemporary accounts are second-hand, in letters by King Manuel and Girolamo Sernigi. Chief authorities also include Barros's Decades and Goes's Chronicle. The author argues Correa's Lendas is a jumble of truth and fiction, and whoever accepts Correa must reject the almost unanimous evidence of other authorities.
Chapter 3
Section 43 cards
What evidence shows the manuscript is not Vasco da Gama's autograph?
On folio 64 (p. 77 of the translation), where the author left a blank, the copyist added a note saying 'The author has omitted to tell us how these weapons were made,' to guard against being thought careless. The copy itself dates from the early sixteenth century, as the facsimile of the first paragraph's writing shows.
Chapter 4
What does the editor conclude about whether Vasco da Gama published a narrative of the voyage?
The editor says we are safe in assuming no such narrative was ever published, though Vasco da Gama certainly furnished official reports of his proceedings. These were still available when João de Barros wrote his Decades but no longer exist. Earlier bibliographers such as Nicoláo Antonio, Moreri, and Barbosa Machado were misled into believing da Gama wrote the account.
Chapter 4
What does the editor say about Kopke's theory that Castanheda copied the manuscript?
Herculano admitted the signature was genuine but noted the cursive characters were a type very common in the first half of the sixteenth century, so it would not be safe to attribute the manuscript to any particular writer. The editor concludes that until further evidence appears, Kopke's theory cannot be accepted, though Castanheda undoubtedly relied on the anonymous author for his facts.
Chapter 4
Section 52 cards
Who was Alvaro Velho according to Kopke, and what assumption weakens that conclusion?
Kopke says Alvaro Velho, a soldier, "may fairly be looked upon as the author of this Journal." The chapter's author objects that this holds only if Castanheda knew the author, which he calls a purely gratuitous assumption. Castanheda mentions only six of the thirteen present at Vasco da Gama's audience with the Zamorin, leaving five unaccounted for.
Chapter 5
How did the first and second Portuguese editions of the Roteiro differ?
The first edition appeared in 1838, edited by Diogo Kopke and Antonio da Costa Paiva, with an introduction, sixty-nine notes, King Manuel's 1502 letters patent, and illustrations; it was published by subscription with 392 copies. The second, Lisbon 1861, edited by Herculano and Baron do Castello de Paiva, mainly modernized spelling and added minor philological notes, though its editors claimed to fix the first edition's imperfections.
Chapter 5
Section 64 cards
Who commanded the four vessels sent by King Manuel in 1497?
Vasco da Gama was captain-major of the four vessels. His brother Paulo da Gama commanded one of them, and Nicolau Coelho another. The chapter opens by stating that King Dom Manuel, the first of that name in Portugal, despatched the four vessels in 1497 to make discoveries and go in search of spices.
Chapter 6
What did the fleet do after losing sight of the captain-major in fog?
After Paulo da Gama lost sight of the captain-major in dense fog, the fleet made sail for the Cape Verde islands, as they had been instructed to do in case of separation. There they sighted the Ilha do Sal, discovered three other vessels, and later rejoined the captain-major, greeting him by firing bombards and sounding trumpets.
Chapter 6
What signs of land did the fleet observe before sighting the African coast?
On November 1, the day of All Saints, they perceived many indications of land, including gulf-weed, which grows along the coast. On November 4, a couple of hours before daybreak, they had soundings in 110 fathoms, and at nine o'clock they sighted land, then saluted the captain-major with bombards and dressed the ships with flags.
Chapter 6
Why was the bay named Santa Helena, and what shelter did it offer?
On Tuesday, November 7, the fleet returned to a low coast with a broad bay. The captain-major sent Pero d'Alenquer in a boat to take soundings and find anchoring ground. The bay was very clean and sheltered against all winds except those from the N.W.; it extended east and west, and they named it Santa Helena.
Chapter 6
Section 74 cards
What did the Portuguese do during their eight days anchored in the bay from November 8?
They remained eight days cleaning the ships, mending the sails, and taking in wood. The river Samtiagua enters the bay four leagues to the southeast of the anchorage, coming from the interior, about a stone's throw across at the mouth and two to three fathoms deep at all states of the tide.
Chapter 7
How did the Portuguese first capture and treat a native on November 9?
They landed with the captain-major and made captive one native, small of stature like Sancho Mexia, who had been gathering honey in the sandy waste. He was taken aboard the captain-major's ship, placed at table, and ate of all they ate. The next day the captain-major had him well dressed and sent ashore.
Chapter 7
Why were the Portuguese wounded by assegais on November 12?
Fernão Velloso went with the natives to see how they lived; after roasting a seal and sharing roots, they told him to return. When he shouted near the vessels, the natives ran up as the Portuguese launched a boat, and when they tried to get him in, the natives threw assegais, wounding the captain-major and three or four others. This happened because they looked upon these people as men of little spirit and landed unarmed.
Chapter 7
How did the Portuguese finally round the Cape of Good Hope in November 1497?
They set sail at daybreak on Thursday November 16, not knowing how far they were abaft the Cape; Pero d'Alenquer guessed about thirty leagues but was uncertain. They stood out S.S.W., sighted the Cape on Saturday, but contrary S.S.W. winds prevented rounding it until Wednesday November 22 at noon, when with the wind astern they doubled it and ran along the coast.
Chapter 7
Section 84 cards
How did the Portuguese respond when the natives fled after the armed landing?
The captain-major ordered the men to land armed with lances, assegais, strung cross-bows and breast-plates to show they could do injury though they did not wish to. When the natives ran, he had the boats draw together so none would be killed by mischance, then fired two bombards from the long boat's poop; the first discharge made the natives flee precipitately, dropping skins and weapons.
Chapter 8
What did the natives ask Martin Affonso, and how did the captain-major react?
The natives accepted the bracelets, took Martin Affonso by the hand, pointed to the watering place and asked why the Portuguese took away their water, while driving their cattle into the bush. Seeing this, the captain-major ordered the men to gather together and called Martin Affonso to retreat, because he suspected some treachery.
Chapter 8
How does the chapter describe the oxen of this country?
The oxen are as large as those of Alemtejo, wonderfully fat and very tame; they are geldings and hornless. The fattest carry a reed packsaddle as in Castille, with a litter of sticks on top for riding. To sell an ox the natives pass a stick through its nostrils and lead it that way. The crew bought a black ox for three bracelets and found its meat as toothsome as Portuguese beef.
Chapter 8
What did the Portuguese find on the island in the bay, and what happened to the cross and pillar?
The island, three bowshots from land, held many seals: some as big as bears with large tusks that attack man and cannot be wounded by any spear, others smaller, the big roaring like lions and the small crying like goats; the crew counted three thousand and fired bombards among them. There were also flightless birds called Fotylicayos that bray like asses. After the Portuguese erected a cross and pillar while watering, about ten or twelve negroes demolished both before they sailed.
Chapter 8
Section 94 cards
Why did the fleet find itself back at Ilhéo da Cruz on December 20?
Strong currents had carried the ships sixty leagues abaft their dead reckoning, so in the morning they steered for land and at ten o'clock found themselves once more at Cross Island. The chapter attributes this setback to the very strong currents in that region. The same day they resumed the route already attempted and, favoured by a strong stern-wind for three or four days, overcame the currents they had feared might frustrate their plans.
Chapter 9
What gifts did the captain-major send the chief at the small river, and how were they received?
The captain-major sent the chief a jacket, a pair of red pantaloons, a Moorish cap and a bracelet. The chief said they were welcome to anything in his country they needed, at least as Martin Affonso understood him. The chief put on the garments and paraded through the village saying 'Look, what has been given to me!' while people clapped hands in courtesy three or four times. He later said he would show the gifts to a great chief, apparently the king.
Chapter 9
What did the Portuguese observe about the people and resources of Terra da Boa Gente?
The country seemed densely peopled with many chiefs, and women outnumbered men, with forty women to every twenty men among visitors. Houses were built of straw. Arms included long bows, arrows and spears with iron blades. Copper seemed plentiful, worn on legs, arms and in twisted hair, and tin appeared on dagger hilts with ivory sheaths. Linen was highly prized, with large quantities of copper offered for shirts. People carried sea-water inland in calabashes, pouring it into pits to obtain salt by evaporation.
Chapter 9
What happened to the crew during the thirty-two days spent in the river?
They spent thirty-two days in the river taking in water, careening the ships and repairing the mast of the Raphael. Many men fell ill there, with their feet and hands swelling and their gums growing over their teeth so that they could not eat. Two haughty gentlemen of the country had huts built on the river bank and stayed seven days, sending daily to barter cloths marked with red ochre. A young man in their company had reportedly seen big ships like theirs, which gladdened the Portuguese.
Chapter 9
Section 104 cards
What did Gama's fleet name the pillar and river at their first landfall, and why?
They erected a pillar they called the pillar of St. Raphael because it had been brought in the ship bearing that name. The river they named Rio dos Bons Signaes, meaning River of good signs or tokens. These namings occurred before the fleet departed on Saturday, February 24, and gained the open sea.
Chapter 10
How did the people of Moçambique receive the fleet, and what did the captain do?
Seven or eight boats, including almadias, approached with people playing anafils and invited the fleet further into the bay. Those who boarded ate and drank what the Portuguese did. The captain decided to enter the bay to learn what sort of people they dealt with, sending Nicolau Coelho first to take soundings, though Coelho struck the island point and broke his helm before regaining deep water.
Chapter 10
What did the Moors tell the Portuguese about the route ahead and Prester John?
They said the route would have numerous shoals and many coastal cities, plus a wealthy island half Moors and half Christians at war. Prester John was said to reside not far away, holding many cities whose inhabitants were great merchants with big ships, though his residence lay far inland reachable only by camel. They also brought two Christian captives from India. The Portuguese cried with joy.
Chapter 10
How did the Sultan of Moçambique behave toward Gama's gifts, and what terms secured the pilots?
The Sultan, a chief like a viceroy, often came aboard but treated all gifts with contempt, asking for scarlet cloth the Portuguese did not have. Gama gave him what they had. Gama later gave each of two pilots thirty mitkals in gold and two marlotas, on condition that one pilot always remain aboard if the other went ashore. The pilots were well satisfied with these terms.
Chapter 10
Section 114 cards
What did the Lord of Moçambique request when he visited Nicolau Coelho's ship?
The Lord came aboard with a large suite and was well received; Coelho gave him a red hood, and the Lord gave Coelho a black rosary used for prayers as a pledge. He then asked to borrow Coelho's boat to go ashore, which was granted, and afterward sent food and a jar of dates preserved with cloves and cumin as a present.
Chapter 11
Why did the people of Moçambique turn hostile toward the Portuguese visitors?
At first the locals took the Portuguese for Turks or Moors from a foreign land; the Lord even asked to see the bows of their country and their books of the Law. But once they learned the visitors were Christians, they arranged to seize and kill them by treachery. The pilot later revealed this plot to the Portuguese.
Chapter 11
How did the Portuguese obtain water at Moçambique on March 23?
The Portuguese went ashore with the Moorish pilot, who either would not or could not find a watering-place. About twenty armed men on the beach forbade their approach, so the captain-major ordered three bombards fired to clear a landing. The men fled into the bush and the Portuguese took as much water as they wanted.
Chapter 11
What did the Portuguese find in the captured almadias, and what happened to the goods?
In the captured almadias they found fine cotton-stuffs, palm-frond baskets, a glazed jar of butter, glass phials of scented water, books of the Law, a box of cotton skeins, a cotton net, and small baskets of millet. The captain-major gave everything to the sailors except the books, which were kept back to show the king.
Chapter 11
Section 124 cards
Why did da Gama's fleet name an island 'Ilha do Açoutado'?
The island was named 'Island of the flogged-one' because the Moorish pilot was flogged there. He had lied to the captain on Saturday night, claiming the islands were the mainland. The fleet kept outside the islands, where native craft passed between them and the mainland in four fathoms of water.
Chapter 12
What happened when the S. Raphael ran aground on a shoal?
Two hours before dawn on April 6, the S. Raphael ran aground about two leagues from land. Following vessels were warned by shouts, cast anchor a gunshot away, and lowered boats. At low tide the ship lay dry; many anchors were laid out, and when the tide rose it floated, causing much rejoicing. The nearby mountains and shoals were named Serras de São Raphael.
Chapter 12
What did the King of Mombaça send da Gama on Palm Sunday?
The King of Mombaça sent the captain-major a sheep, large quantities of oranges, lemons and sugar-cane, and a ring as a pledge of safety, promising supplies if he entered the port. Two almost-white men who said they were Christians conveyed it. Da Gama returned a string of coral-beads and said he would enter the port the next day.
Chapter 12
What did the tortured Moors reveal about Mombaça's intentions?
At night the captain-major questioned two Moors from Moçambique by dropping boiling oil on their skin. They said orders had been given to capture the fleet as soon as it entered the port, to avenge what had been done at Moçambique. During a second torture both Moors, though one had tied hands, threw themselves into the sea.
Chapter 12
Section 134 cards
What did the swimmers from the almadias attempt at night near Mombasa?
About midnight two almadias approached and men entered the water, some swimming toward the Berrio and others toward the Raphael. Those reaching the Berrio began cutting its cable; the watch first mistook them for tunny fish, then shouted to the other vessels. Others had seized the mizzen-mast rigging but slipped away silently when discovered. The chronicler calls these wicked tricks and says God did not let them succeed because the men were unbelievers.
Chapter 13
What did the voyagers observe about Christians living in Mombasa?
Those who went ashore reported seeing many men in irons in the town, which the voyagers took to be Christians, since Christians in that country were at war with the Moors. The Christian merchants in Mombasa were only temporary residents and were held in much subjection, not being allowed to do anything except by order of the Moorish King. The chapter also notes that the climate of the place was very good and all the sick recovered.
Chapter 13
How did the captain-major handle the Moorish prisoners at Malindi?
On Monday the old Moor was taken to a sandbank and picked up by an almadia to convey the captain-major's wish for peace. The king sent messengers with three sheep, promising pilots and whatever his country afforded. On Wednesday, after friendly words exchanged beside the ships, the captain-major sent for the Moors he had taken prisoner and surrendered them all. The king said he valued this act more highly than if he had been presented with a town.
Chapter 13
Why did the captain-major refuse to go ashore at Malindi?
The king invited the captain-major to come to his house to rest, after which the king would visit him on board. The captain-major said he was not permitted by his master to go on land, and that if he did so a bad report would be given of him. The king asked what his own people would say if he visited the ships. The king requested the name of the Portuguese king, written down, and said that on the return an ambassador or letter would be sent.
Chapter 13
Section 144 cards
Why did the captain-major seize the king's servant on Sunday, April 22?
Two days had passed without visitors, so the captain-major had the king's confidential servant seized and sent word that he required the pilots the king had promised. The king then sent a Christian pilot, and the captain-major released the gentleman he had kept on his vessel.
Chapter 14
What did the Christian Indians at Malindi do when shown the altar-piece?
When the Indian Christians first came aboard Paulo da Gama's ship and saw the altar-piece of Our Lady at the foot of the cross with Jesus in her arms and the apostles around her, they prostrated themselves. For as long as the Portuguese stayed, they came to pray before it, bringing offerings of cloves, pepper, and other things.
Chapter 14
What did the Christian pilot reveal about the island heard of at Moçambique?
The pilot said the island the Portuguese heard of at Moçambique as inhabited by Christians was actually subject to the King of Moçambique. Half belonged to the Moors and half to the Christians, many pearls were found there, and it was called Quyluee. This was the island the Moorish pilots had wanted to take them to.
Chapter 14
What did the two Moors from Tunis say to the convict sent to Calecut?
They greeted him with 'May the Devil take thee! What brought you hither?' and asked what he sought so far from home. He said they came in search of Christians and spices. They asked why the King of Castile, King of France, or Signoria of Venice did not send instead, and said the King of Portugal was right not to consent.
Chapter 14
Section 154 cards
What did Gama's men see inside the Calecut church they were taken to?
The church was built of hewn stone with tiled roof, a bronze pillar topped by a bird like a cock, and a central stone chapel with a bronze door. Inside stood a small image said to represent Our Lady, and seven small bells hung by the entrance. Walls showed painted saints with crowns, protruding teeth, and four or five arms. Gama said prayers there but did not enter the chapel.
Chapter 15
Who were the quafees and what role did they play in the church?
The quafees were servants of the church, the only people permitted to enter the chapel. They wore threads over the left shoulder and under the right arm, like deacons' stoles. They threw holy water over the visitors and gave them white earth, which local Christians put on foreheads, breasts, necks, and forearms. Gama accepted the earth but had someone keep it, saying he would apply it later.
Chapter 15
How was Gama received and conducted to the king's palace at Calecut?
A bale, attended by two hundred armed men, was sent to conduct Gama. On May 28 Gama set out with thirteen men, wearing best attire, with bombards, trumpets, and flags. He was carried in a palanquin by six men, greeted by the alcaide, and escorted with drums, anafils, bagpipes, and matchlocks. The author says they were shown more respect than is shown in Spain to a king.
Chapter 15
What happened when Gama's party finally reached the door where the king was?
They passed through a large courtyard and four doors, forcing their way and giving many blows to the crowd. Several men were wounded at the final door, and they only got in by using much force. A little old man, holding a position like a bishop whose advice the king follows in church affairs, came out and embraced Gama as he entered.
Chapter 15
Section 164 cards
Where did the king of Calicut receive Vasco da Gama, and what did the king do when the captain entered?
The king reclined on a green velvet couch in a small court, holding a large golden cup into which he threw husks of a chewed herb called atambor. The captain saluted in the country's manner, and the king beckoned him nearer, but the captain stayed back because custom forbade any man approaching the king except the servant who handed him the herbs.
Chapter 16
Why did the captain-major refuse to give his message to the courtiers?
The king invited him to address the distinguished courtiers, who would repeat his words to the king. The captain-major replied that he was the ambassador of the King of Portugal and carried a message he could only deliver personally. The king approved and had him conducted to a chamber, where the king joined him and asked what he wanted.
Chapter 16
What did the captain tell the king about Portugal's motives for the voyage?
He said his king was lord of many countries and wealthy beyond any king of those parts. For sixty years his ancestors sent vessels to discover India, knowing Christian kings were there, not seeking gold or silver, of which they had abundance. King Dom Manuel ordered three vessels built and commanded him not to return until he found this Christian king, on pain of beheading.
Chapter 16
How did the Moors react to the captain's presents for the king?
The captain prepared twelve pieces of lambel, four scarlet hoods, six hats, four strings of coral, wash-hand basins, sugar, oil and honey. The king's factor and the bale laughed, saying it was unworthy of a king and that the poorest merchant from Mecca gave more; presents should be gold. Moorish merchants also depreciated the gift, and the officials refused to forward it.
Chapter 16
Section 174 cards
Why did the captain refuse the king's first request to enter the palace alone?
The captain was kept waiting four hours outside a door, which opened only when the king sent word to admit him with two men of his choosing. He selected Fernão Martins, who could interpret, and his secretary. The captain and his men felt this separation portended no good.
Chapter 17
How did the king respond to the captain's claim of coming from a rich kingdom?
The king said the captain had told him he came from a very rich kingdom yet had brought him nothing, and that he carried a letter not yet delivered. The captain replied his voyage was merely to make discoveries, that later ships would show what they brought, and that he would deliver the letter immediately.
Chapter 17
What did the king ask about the golden image of Santa Maria?
The king said he had been told the captain carried a golden image of Santa Maria. The captain said the Santa Maria was not of gold, and that even if she were he would not part with her, as she had guided him across the ocean and would guide him back to his own country.
Chapter 17
Why did the captain distrust the men at Pandarani despite their assurances?
The bale and others said it was too late to provide an almadia, so the captain threatened to return to the king. They then offered thirty almadias and took the men along the beach. The captain suspected an evil design and sent three men ahead. The men returned saying they seemed well disposed, but the others suspected them because of what had happened at Calecut.
Chapter 17
Section 184 cards
Why did the captain refuse to order his ships closer to shore?
The captain refused because he feared his brother would believe he was being held prisoner and had ordered it under compulsion, and would hoist sails and return to Portugal. He also did not wish the ships to enter the port, since he and his men believed that once inside they could easily be captured, after which the Portuguese would be killed.
Chapter 18
What did the captain refuse to hand over to his guards?
The guards asked the captain to give up the ships' sails and rudders. The captain declared he would give up none of these things, saying that since King Çamolin had unconditionally ordered him to return to his ships, they might do with him whatever they liked, but he would surrender nothing.
Chapter 18
What custom did the bale invoke to make the captain land his merchandise?
The bale told the captain that since he had informed the king he intended to land his merchandise, he should now order it done, as it was the custom of the country that every ship on arrival should at once land its merchandise and crews, and that vendors should not return on board until all of it had been sold. The captain consented and wrote to his brother.
Chapter 18
How did the king respond to the captain's complaint about his detention?
The king sent word that those who acted thus were bad Christians and that he would punish them. He sent seven or eight merchants to inspect and possibly buy the merchandise, and a man of quality to remain with the factor already there, authorizing them to kill any Moor who might go there without fear of punishment. The merchants stayed about eight days but only depreciated the goods.
Chapter 18
Section 194 cards
How did da Gama arrange for his men to visit Calecut, and why?
On Sunday, 24 June, the captain ordered that all his people should visit the town by turns: each ship sent one man ashore, and when he returned another was sent, so that everyone would have a turn and could make purchases. The men were welcomed by the Christians along the road, who gave them food and lodging freely. The captain also fed visiting Indians to establish peace and amity.
Chapter 19
What prices did the Portuguese get for their goods in Calecut compared with Portugal?
They sold cheaply, far below the prices hoped for when they reached Moçambique. A very fine shirt worth 300 reis in Portugal fetched only two fanôes, equivalent to 30 reis, since 30 reis was a large sum in that country. Other goods sold cheaply too, so they might take away something from the country, if only samples. They bought cloves, cinnamon and precious stones.
Chapter 19
How did the king of Calecut receive da Gama's message and present?
After four days' delay, the king looked at the bearer with a 'bad face' and asked what he wanted. He said the present should have gone to his factor and refused to look at it. He demanded 600 xerafins before the captain could depart, calling it the custom of the country. Men were then posted to watch the merchandise, and boats were banned from approaching the ships.
Chapter 19
Why did the Portuguese blame the Moors of Mecca for the king's hostility?
The captain did not hold the king as culpable as he seemed, knowing the Moors of the place, merchants from Mecca and elsewhere, could ill digest the Portuguese. They told the king the newcomers were thieves, that their trade would end Mecca, Cambay and Imgros shipping, and that his country would be ruined. They offered rich bribes to capture and kill the Portuguese so they would not return.
Chapter 19
Section 203 cards
What did the king say about responsibility for the extortion, and what did he order?
The king claimed ignorance of the matter and said his factor alone was responsible, asking the factor whether he knew the king had recently killed another factor for levying tribute on merchants. He then ordered Diogo Dias and his men back to the ships, asked for the return of the captives, and said the pillar would be set up by those who brought Dias back.
Chapter 20
What did the king's letter to the King of Portugal request in exchange for spices and stones?
Written by Diogo Dias with an iron pen on a palm-leaf, the letter said Vasco da Gama had come to his country, whereat he was pleased. It described the country as rich in cinnamon, cloves, ginger, pepper and precious stones, and asked in exchange for gold, silver, corals and scarlet cloth.
Chapter 20
Why did the captains decide to depart, and what did they take with them?
On August 29 the captain-major and other captains agreed that, since they had discovered the country they sought, along with spices and precious stones, and it seemed impossible to establish cordial relations with the people, they should depart. They resolved to take the detained men, who might help establish friendly relations on a return to Calecut.
Chapter 20
Section 214 cards
What did the captain-major order when boats approached within range of the bombards near Calecut?
The captain-major ordered his men to fire upon the approaching boats, which were crowded with people wearing cuirasses of folded red cloth. The boats followed the ships for about an hour and a half until a thunderstorm carried the ships out to sea; seeing they could no longer harm them, the boats turned back while the fleet continued its route.
Chapter 21
By what route did spices travel from Malacca to Alexandria, and what dues were paid?
Cloves came from Malacca to Calecut; Mecca vessels carried spices to Jidda, paying duties to the Grand Sultan. They were transshipped through the Red Sea to Tuuz, where dues were paid again, then carried by camel to Cairo (more duties, with risk of Bedouin thieves), down the Nile to Rosetta (dues again), and by camel to Alexandria.
Chapter 21
What revenue did the Grand Sultan draw from Alexandria's spice trade, and how was it spent?
The chapter states the spices yielded the Grand Sultan a revenue of 600,000 cruzados in customs duties at Alexandria. Out of this he paid an annual subsidy of 100,000 cruzados to a king called Cidadym for making war upon Prester John. The text also notes that the title of Grand Sultan was bought for money and did not pass from father to son.
Chapter 21
How did the captain-major interact with the people near the Santa Maria islets and at Anjediva?
At the Santa Maria islets the captain gave shirts to boatmen and asked if they would welcome a pillar; they agreed, saying it confirmed the visitors were Christians like themselves, and it was erected in amity. At Anjediva a young man showed them a spring; locals brought fowls, cow-milk and gourds, and showed men cinnamon trees, from which two branches were cut.
Chapter 21
Section 224 cards
What did the seven men in a boat tell the Portuguese about the vessels from Calecut?
They said the vessels had come from Calecut in search of the Portuguese, and that if they had succeeded in taking them, the Portuguese would have been killed.
Chapter 22
What did Nicolau Coelho find when sent to look for water on the island?
He found the ruins of a large stone church destroyed by the Moors, except a straw-roofed chapel where natives prayed to three black stones. Beside it was a hewn-stone tank from which they took needed water; a larger tank four fathoms deep stood on the island's highest part.
Chapter 22
How did the Portuguese treat the Venetian-speaking visitor, and what did he reveal under questioning?
He claimed to be a Christian from the west turned Moor, serving a lord with 40,000 horsemen, and offered ships and provisions. Paulo da Gama learned from his companions that he was a pirate (armador). Seized and thrashed, he confessed the country was ill-disposed, armed men hid in the creeks, and some forty vessels were being armed to pursue the Portuguese.
Chapter 22
Why did the captain-major refuse to sell the captured vessel, and what happened to it?
Its captain offered 1000 fanões for it, but the captain-major said it was not for sale, and since it belonged to an enemy he preferred to burn it. After the ships were careened, water taken in, and the captured vessel broken up, they departed on Friday, October 5.
Chapter 22
Section 234 cards
What disease afflicted da Gama's crew crossing the Arabian Sea, and how many died?
The men suffered from gums growing over their teeth so they could not eat, and legs and other body parts swelled until the sufferer died without other symptoms. Thirty men died in this manner, an equal number having died previously. Only seven or eight men per ship could navigate, and the author says another fortnight would have left no men at all to work the ships.
Chapter 23
What did the captains agree to do if a favourable wind came during the affliction?
The captains held council and agreed that if a favourable wind enabled them, they would return to India whence they had come. Discipline had broken down under the suffering, and the crew addressed vows and petitions to the saints on behalf of the ships. God then sent a wind that carried them within sight of land in six days, on January 2, 1499.
Chapter 23
How did the King of Malindi respond to da Gama's requests?
The king sent a long boat with sheep and a welcome, said he had expected the captain-major for days, and sent oranges and fruit for the sick, though many died there anyway. He agreed out of love for the King of Portugal to give an ivory tusk and erect a pillar as a sign of friendship, and sent a young Moor to accompany them to Portugal.
Chapter 23
Why was the ship São Raphael burned, and where?
On Sunday, January 13, they anchored at the Baixos de S. Raphael and set fire to the ship of that name, because it was impossible to navigate three vessels with the few hands remaining. Its contents were transferred to the two other ships. They stayed there fifteen days, and fowls were brought from a town called Tamugate for sale or barter in exchange for shirts and bracelets.
Chapter 23
Section 244 cards
How did the crew estimate their position after being becalmed near São Thiago?
The author records that after twenty-seven days with the wind astern, the wind fell and they were becalmed, with the little wind coming from ahead. Thunderstorms coming from the land let them tell their whereabouts, and they plied to windward as best they could. Soundings of 35 fathoms, then no less than 20 fathoms, were taken, and the pilots said they were near the shoals of the Rio Grande, though no land was sighted.
Chapter 24
What happened to Vasco da Gama and his brother Paulo after the storm separation?
According to the journal's closing summary, da Gama and Coelho were separated in a storm. Coelho reached Cascaes below Lisbon on July 10, 1499. Da Gama waited one day, went to São Thiago, put João de Sá in charge of the S. Gabriel, and chartered a caravel to carry his dying brother Paulo to Terceira. Paulo died a day after landing at Angra and was buried in the church of the Monastery of S. Francisco.
Chapter 24
Why is the exact date of Vasco da Gama's return to Lisbon uncertain?
The chapter states the date is not known with certainty. A commission appointed in 1871 to move da Gama's remains tried in vain to establish it. Barros, Goes, and Resende say August 29th; Castanheda says September 8th; a Torre do Tombo manuscript cited by Texeira de Aragão gives September 18th; Herculano settles for late August or early September. The author says he is inclined to believe da Gama reached Lisbon on August 29th and made his triumphal entry on September 8th.
Chapter 24
What does the source say about the religion and resources of the southern kingdoms?
The author says he learned these details from a man who spoke their language and had come from Alexandria thirty years before. Most listed kingdoms — Quorongoliz, Coleu, Chomandarla, Ceylam, Camatarra, Xarnauz, Tenacar, Melequa — are described as Christian with Christian kings. Caell has a Moorish king but Christian people; Bemgala has many Moors and few Christians under a Christian king. Products include pepper, pearls, cinnamon, sapphires, silk, benzoin, aloes, Brazil-wood, cloves, nutmeg, and tin.
Chapter 24
Section 253 cards
What does the chapter claim about Pegu's religion, people, and military strength?
The chapter states Pegu is Christian with a Christian king, and its inhabitants are as white as Europeans. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men—10,000 horse and the rest on foot—besides 400 war-elephants. It also says the country produces all the musk of the world.
Chapter 25
How does the chapter describe the origin and collection of musk in Pegu?
The chapter says the king owns an island about four days' sail from the mainland where animals like deer have musk pouches attached to their navels. Once a year they rub against trees and the pouches fall off; locals then gather them. The abundance is such that four large or ten to twelve small pouches, enough to fill a large chest, cost one cruzado.
Chapter 25
How are wild elephants captured and broken in, according to the chapter?
A tame female is sent to entice a wild elephant into a covered pit, with instructions not to fall in herself. The trapped elephant is left five or six days without food, then fed small increasing amounts for about a month while handlers gradually tame him. Once he permits touching of his tusks, heavy chains are put on his legs and he is trained.
Chapter 25
Section 264 cards
What did King Manuel report the explorers had discovered and brought back?
King Manuel wrote to Castile that Vasco da Gama and his brother Paulo, with four vessels, had reached and discovered India and bordering kingdoms, navigating its sea and finding large cities, buildings, rivers and populations carrying on the spice and precious-stone trade. They brought cinnamon, cloves, ginger, nutmeg, pepper, other spices, boughs and leaves, and fine stones such as rubies, but not as much as they could have, since they took no merchandise.
Chapter 26
Why did King Manuel say the explorers brought fewer spices and gold than possible?
According to King Manuel's July 1499 letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, the explorers reached a country with gold mines, but of the gold, spices and precious stones they did not bring as much as they could have done, because they took no merchandise with them for trade. The letter also notes the spices were carried by ships to Mecca and thence to Cairo, whence they were dispersed throughout the world.
Chapter 26
What did King Manuel ask the Cardinal Protector to do with the Pope?
In his letter of August 28, 1499, King Manuel asked the Cardinal Protector, after handing his letters to the Holy Father and the College of Cardinals, to speak as if from himself and request a fresh expression of satisfaction regarding the discovery, so as to obtain the Pope's renewed approval and declaration in whatever form seemed best. The king noted that by Apostolical grants he already enjoyed sovereignty over all he had discovered.
Chapter 26
Who was the Cardinal Protector and what was his relationship with King Manuel?
The Cardinal Protector is identified as D. Jorge da Costa, a man of mean extraction whom Doña Catharina appointed her chaplain and who rose to high Church dignities until the Pope gave him a cardinal's hat. King John disliked him and he went to reside at Rome, but King Manuel thought highly of his wisdom and in 1495 invited him back to Lisbon through Pedro Correa; the cardinal declined, pleading age and infirmities, yet faithfully attended the King's business with the Pope.
Chapter 26
Section 274 cards
Who wrote the letters describing Vasco da Gama's first voyage, and when was he born?
Girolamo Sernigi, born in Florence in 1453, wrote the letters. His father Cipriano di Chimenti belonged to the Clothiers' Guild and was well respected; the family became extinct in 1680. Sernigi was living at Lisbon as a merchant when da Gama's expedition returned from India, and he remained there for many years afterward.
Chapter 27
Why does the editor reject Bandini's claim that Amerigo Vespucci wrote the letters?
Bandini rashly suggested Vespucci was the author, addressing them to Dr. Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de' Medici. Professor Kopke refutes this: Vespucci was away with Alonzo de Hojeda in the West Indies from May 1499 to February 1500, so he could not have been at Lisbon in July 1499 when the first vessel of da Gama's fleet returned.
Chapter 27
How did Ramusio's 1550 republication of Sernigi's letters differ from Fracanzio's 1507 edition?
Fracanzio's Paesi novamente retrovati (Vicenza, 1507) seems a faithful reproduction of the original, except a few passages were omitted and the letters divided into chapters with headings. Ramusio took far greater liberties: he improved the literary style, condensed many passages not always happily, and suppressed others altogether. The editor notes the more important omissions and additions in his notes.
Chapter 27
What puzzle does the Peutinger letter raise about how da Gama returned to Lisbon?
The Peutinger letter says the captain came back 'a salvamento' to Lisbon with the 'one vessel' of 90 tons. This conflicts with historians De Barros, Goes, and Castanheda, who say da Gama ordered João de Sá to take the flagship S. Gabriel to Lisbon while he chartered a caravel to carry himself and his dying brother to the Azores. The editor suspects an inaccurate statement or Peutinger's misrendering.
Chapter 27
Section 284 cards
What fleet and crew did Manuel of Portugal send, and when did it leave Lisbon?
Sernigi reports that King Manuel sent three new vessels to discover new countries: two of 90 tons and one of 50 tons, plus a store-ship of 110 tons laden with provisions. Between them they took 118 men and left Lisbon on July 9, 1497, with Vasco da Gama as captain of the fleet.
Chapter 28
What happened to da Gama's fleet on the return, and what disease killed 55 men?
On July 10, 1499, the 50-ton vessel returned to Lisbon. Da Gama stayed at the Cape Verde islands with one 90-ton ship to land his ill brother Paulo. The other 90-ton ship and the store-ship were burnt for lack of crew and because the store-ship was not meant to return. During the voyage 55 men died of a disease starting in the mouth and descending to the throat, with leg pain.
Chapter 28
How does Sernigi describe Calicut's religion, size, and king?
Sernigi calls Calicut larger than Lisbon and inhabited by "Christian Indians." He says its churches have bells but no priests or masses; each holds a pillar of water and one of balm, and people bathe in a nearby river every three years. The king keeps regal state with chamberlains, doorkeepers and barons, and received da Gama on a gold-worked couch under a white canopy.
Chapter 28
Who controlled Calicut's trade, and where did the spices actually come from?
Sernigi says wealthy Moorish merchants resided in Calicut and all trade was in their hands; they had a fine mosque, and the king was governed by them through presents, since the Christians were coarse people. Spices such as cinnamon, pepper, ginger, frankincense and lac were not grown there but on an island about 160 leagues away, reached overland in 20 days, and brought to Calicut as a staple.
Chapter 28
Section 293 cards
What does the narrator believe about the origin of the gold-worked cloths and silks at Chalichut?
The narrator states there is abundance of silken stuffs—velvets, satins, damask, taffetas, brocades worked in gold, scarlet cloth, and brass and tin ware. He gives it as his own opinion that the cloths worked in gold and the silks are brought thither from Cairo.
Chapter 29
How were the spice vessels of Chalichut built and sailed, according to the chapter?
The largest did not exceed 800 tons, with only one mast, so they could make headway only with the wind astern and sometimes waited four to six months for fair weather. They were badly built and frail, carrying neither arms nor artillery. Vessels visiting the islands were flat-bottomed to draw little water, some built without nails or iron because they had to pass over the loadstone.
Chapter 29
What does the chapter say about the white Christians who arrived at Chalicut about 80 years earlier?
Certain vessels of white Christians arrived, whose crews wore long hair like Germans and beards only around the mouth. They landed in cuirass, helmet, and vizor, carrying a sword attached to a spear; their vessels had four masts and bombards shorter than those used by the Portuguese. They returned every two years with 20 or 25 vessels, bringing fine linen-cloth and brass-ware and loading spices. The narrator cannot identify them, suggesting they might be Russians.
Chapter 29
Section 304 cards
How are the people of Calicut clothed, by rank and gender?
Most people wear cotton cloth from waist to knee but are naked above the waist. Courtiers and men of condition wear silk stuffs in reddish, scarlet, or other colors. Wives of men of condition wear very white delicate linen above the girdle, while wives of lower degree are naked above the waist. The Moors dress in jubbi and balandrau.
Chapter 30
How do Moorish mariners navigate the gulf, and what hazards lie there?
The Moorish mariners do not steer by the Pole in this gulf but trust to wooden quadrants. Crossing to the far side, they leave a thousand or more islands to the right; anyone who gets among these is lost because of many rocks and shoals. The writer suspects these are the islands discovered by the King of Castile.
Chapter 30
What does the chapter say about Prester John and the Christians of Calicut?
At Calicut they have some knowledge of Prester John but not much, as he is far away. These Christians believe Christ was born of the Virgin Mary without sin, was crucified and killed by the Jews, and buried at Jerusalem. They know something of the Pope of Rome but nothing of our faith beyond this. They have letters and a written language.
Chapter 30
How is justice administered in Calicut, and what goods are found there?
Justice is strictly administered: robbers, murderers, and other malefactors are incontinently impaled in the Turkish fashion, and whoever defrauds the king's excise has merchandise confiscated. The city yields elephant tusks, much cotton, sugar, sweetmeats, civet, musk, ambergris, and storax. The author presumes wine and oil would prove good articles there.
Chapter 30
Section 314 cards
What does the Jewish pilot claim about the temple at Calichut?
The Jewish pilot affirms that whoever enters the temple at Calichut before noon on a seventh Wednesday dies because of diabolical apparitions. He also says that on a certain day of the year some lamps in the temple begin to burn spontaneously and cause many deformities of nature to appear. The author reports these claims as the pilot's testimony.
Chapter 31
How does the chapter describe Moorish navigation and ship construction?
The pilot states that in those seas they navigate without compasses, using wooden quadrants instead, which the author notes seems difficult especially in fog when stars are invisible. Their vessels' planks are held together by cords, and the ships are three palms longer than the beam. They also carry a small anchor whose use the author does not know. All such vessels are built at Calichut.
Chapter 31
What merchandise does the author list as suitable for that country?
The author says the articles of merchandise most suitable for that country seem to be coral, copper kettles and thin plates of the same metal, tartar, spectacles (for there are countries where a pair fetches a high price), coarse linens, wine, oil, thin brocades, and boccasins, that is cloths. He credits the Jewish pilot with having thrown much light on these matters.
Chapter 31
What does Sernigi's letter say about the fate of da Gama's fleet and crew?
Sernigi's letter states the four vessels left Lisbon on July 10, 1499, and that the captain remained behind with three vessels because his brother Paulo da Gama was sick unto death. He landed him at Capo Verde and burnt two vessels, of 110 and 90 tons, so they would not fall into the hands of the heathen, since 55 of his people had died and he could not bring the ships home with the remaining 63 men.
Chapter 31
Section 324 cards
According to the first account, when did Vasco da Gama's fleet leave Lisbon and return?
The first account states the fleet set sail from Lisbon on 2 June 1497 and arrived safely back at Lisbon on 18 September 1499. It names Vasco da Gama as captain-major of four vessels, with his brother Paulo commanding the São Gabriel and Nicolao Coelho the São Miguel.
Chapter 32
What happened to the São Gabriel and Paulo da Gama during the voyage?
The first account says the São Gabriel, commanded by Paulo da Gama, became so dilapidated it could not continue and was broken up to repair the other vessels in a river of Cafraria beyond the Cape of Good Hope, named the river of Mercy. Paulo moved to his brother's vessel and his people were distributed among the two ships.
Chapter 32
Which rulers tried to betray the fleet, and who welcomed it honestly?
The first account says the Sheikh of Moçambique attempted to take the vessels by treachery, and the kings of Quiloa and Mombaça also attempted treachery, but God did not permit their success. At Melinde, by contrast, the King welcomed them honestly and gave trustworthy pilots who guided them to Angediva.
Chapter 32
What errors does the editor identify in Falcão's 1612 account of the voyage?
The editor says Falcão's book, though based on India House records, is not free from errors. Falcão wrongly gives 8 July 1497 as the departure date and calls the São Miguel the flagship, when the flagship was the São Gabriel. He also confuses which ship returned on 10 July 1499 and which was burnt off Tangáta.
Chapter 32
Section 334 cards
How many ships and persons did Vasco da Gama's fleet include?
The fleet included three ships of from 100 to 320 tons, plus an additional ship carrying provisions. Between sailors and soldiers, 260 persons went in them. The three main ships were the São Gabriel (flag-ship), the São Raphael, and the Berrio; Gonçalo Nunes commanded the cargo-ship, in which only provisions went.
Chapter 33
What happened to the São Raphael on the return voyage?
The São Raphael, in which Paulo da Gama, brother of Vasco, was captain, was lost on the same shoals on which she had already once grounded on the way out to India. The loss did not much concern Vasco da Gama, for he was short of men, and those in her were distributed among the two other vessels.
Chapter 33
When did Vasco da Gama depart and when did he reach Lisbon?
They set sail from the bar of Lisbon on July 8th, 1497, and Vasco da Gama landed at Lisbon on August 29th, 1499, or two years after he had started. He arrived in a caravel, having gone from the island of São Thiago to Terçeira because his brother Paulo was very ill; he buried Paulo on Terçeira.
Chapter 33
What does the appendix say about the names of the four vessels?
All authorities agree the fleet numbered four vessels but disagree on their names. The appendix accepts the unanimous testimony of the Roteiro's author, João de Barros, Lopez de Castanheda, Pedro Barretto de Rezende, and Manuel Faria y Sousa: S. Gabriel (flag-ship), S. Raphael, Berrio, and a store-ship under Gonçalo Nunes. Correa and the Jornal das Viagens call the Berrio S. Miguel.
Chapter 33
Section 344 cards
Why did Bartholomeu Dias choose square-rigged vessels over the caravel for this voyage?
Dias, who superintended construction of the S. Gabriel and S. Raphael, discarded the caravel in which he himself had achieved his great success. He favoured square-rigged vessels of greater burthen, which, although slower sailers and less able to ply to windward, offered greater safety and more comfort to their crews. He also ensured their draught would let them navigate shallow waters expected on the voyage.
Chapter 34
How do the tonnage estimates for da Gama's ships differ among the cited authorities?
Estimates vary widely. Sernigi says 90 tons each; Pacheco Pereira says the largest did not exceed 100 tons; Barros gives 100 to 120 tons; Castanheda allocates 120 to the flagship and 100 to the S. Raphael. Rezende ranges from 100 to 320 tons, and Lindsay argues the S. Gabriel carried 400 pipes, about 250 to 300 tons register.
Chapter 34
Why does the chapter caution against comparing fifteenth-century tons directly with modern tonnage?
The chapter notes that 'ton' at the close of the fifteenth century was a different measure from the present one. The tonelada of Seville measured about 1.405 cubic metres, or roughly 50 cubic feet, and the tonel of Biscay was 20 percent larger. These data show the fifteenth-century ton was considerably larger than the ton measurement of the nineteenth.
Chapter 34
What was the purpose of the 'castles' on these ships, and how did later versions become a problem?
The castles were in reality citadels, enabling the crew to make a last stand after the vessel had been boarded; a notable instance occurred in the fight with the Meri in 1502. Later they grew to a portentous height, rendering it difficult to govern the ship in a gale, and it often became necessary to cut down the foremast and dismantle the forecastle to keep her head to the wind.
Chapter 34
Section 354 cards
How was da Gama's flagship armed and crewed for battle?
The ship carried twenty guns: eight wrought-iron breech-loaders on the lower battery of the quarter-deck castle, six bombards on the upper battery, and six in the forecastle. The men had no firearms; they used cross-bows, spears, axes, swords, javelins and boarding-pikes. Some officers wore steel armour, while the men had leather jerkins and breast-plates. Fighting men occupied the crow's-nests to hurl javelins, grenades and powder-pots.
Chapter 35
What were the daily rations and provisions aboard da Gama's fleet?
According to Castanheda, provisions were calculated to last three years. Daily rations were 1½ pounds of biscuit, 1 pound of beef or half a pound of pork, 2½ pints of water, 1¼ pints of wine, one-third of a gill of vinegar and half that of oil. On fast days, half a pound of rice, codfish or cheese replaced the meat. Stores also included flour, lentils, sardines, plums, almonds, onions, garlic, mustard, salt, sugar and honey.
Chapter 35
Why did the expedition's trade goods fail in India?
The merchandise was insufficient in quantity and unsuited to the Indian market. It included lambel (striped cotton stuff), sugar, olive-oil, honey and coral beads, plus presents such as wash-hand basins, scarlet hoods, silk jackets, pantaloons, hats and Moorish caps. Trifles like glass beads, little round bells and tin rings suited barter on the Guinea coast but were not appreciated by the wealthy merchants of Calecut. Little ready money was available.
Chapter 35
What navigational and scientific equipment did da Gama's expedition carry?
D. Diogo Ortiz de Vilhegas furnished maps and books, including Ptolemy and collected reports on the East. Zacut the astronomer provided a large wooden astrolabe, smaller metal astrolabes and probably quadrants, plus his Almanach perpetuum, printed in translation by José Vizinho at Leiria in 1496, enabling latitude calculation from the sun's altitude. There were compasses, sounding leads and hour-glasses, possibly a catena a poppa and toleta de marteloia, and perhaps a variation compass.
Chapter 35
Section 364 cards
What did Correa claim was inscribed on the pillar at Rio da Misericordia?
Correa's Lendas states the marble pillar at Rio da Misericordia (the Roteiro's Rio dos Bons Signaes) bore two escutcheons, one of the arms of Portugal and one of a sphere, with the inscription "Do senhorio de Portugal reino de Christãos." The Melinde pillar had the same escutcheons but only "Rey Manoel." The editor notes Correa may be right since he saw the pillars, though he is an arrant fabulator.
Chapter 36
How do the authorities differ on the number of men in da Gama's fleet?
Estimates range widely: Sernigi says 118 (55 died, 63 returned); Galvão 120 plus store-ship men; Castanheda and Goes 148 (only 55 returned); Faria y Sousa and San Ramon 160 (93 died); Barros 170; Correa 260. The editor thinks Correa exaggerates and Sernigi errs low, favoring Barros's 170 as nearest the truth.
Chapter 36
How does the editor break down the 170 men favored from Barros?
The editor suggests 70 in the flag-ship, 50 in the S. Raphael, 30 in the caravel, and 20 in the store-ship. The flag-ship's 70 may have included the captain, master, pilot, assistant pilot, mate, boatswain, 20 able and 10 ordinary seamen, 2 boys, a chief gunner, 8 bombardiers, 4 trumpeters, clerk, storekeeper, officer of justice, barber-surgeon, 2 interpreters, chaplain, 6 artificers, and 10 servants.
Chapter 36
Who commanded each ship in da Gama's fleet, and what became of Nicolau Coelho?
Vasco da Gama was Captain-Major of the S. Gabriel; his brother Paulo commanded the S. Raphael; Nicolau Coelho captained the Berrio (or S. Miguel); Gonçalo Nunes captained the store-ship. Coelho later sailed to India with Cabral in 1500 and with Francisco d'Albuquerque in 1503, received a 70,000 reis pension in 1500, and seems to have died by 1522.
Chapter 36
Section 373 cards
Who was the 'African slave' who spoke Arabic and served as an interpreter for Vasco da Gama?
Fernão Martins was the interpreter Vasco sent to the King of Calecut, and he was present at the audience Vasco had with the King. He later filled several positions of trust in India. Correa identifies him as the "African slave" who spoke Arabic.
Chapter 37
How did Gaspar da Gama come to join Vasco da Gama and what became of him?
Gaspar da Gama was the "Moor" or renegade who joined Vasco at Anjediva Island, described as about forty and able to speak "Venetian" well. He claimed to have come to India in youth and was then in the Governor of Goa's service. Vasco carried him to Portugal, where he was baptized as Gaspar da Gama, and he later accompanied Cabral as interpreter.
Chapter 37
What does the chapter say about João Nunez and his name in Correa's edition?
João Nunez was a "new" Christian, meaning a converted Jew, who knew a little Arabic and Hebrew and was landed at Calecut. In the Portuguese edition of Correa he is erroneously called João Martins. The chapter cross-references Stanley's Vasco da Gama for this point.
Chapter 37
Section 384 cards
What does the chapter say about the identity and fate of Monçaide?
Barros and Goes state Monçaide was a native of Tunis who had done business with the Portuguese at Oran in King John II's time and spoke Castilian. He came aboard Vasco da Gama's vessel at Calecut, accompanied da Gama to Portugal, and was baptised. King Manuel's letter calls him a "Moor of Tunis," and the Roteiro says the Moors of Calecut suspected him of being a Christian and emissary of the King of Portugal.
Chapter 38
Who was Malemo Canaqua, and what does his name mean?
Malemo Canaqua, or Cana, was the pilot who guided Vasco da Gama from Melinde to Calecut. Barros, Goes, and Castanheda agree he was a native of Gujarat. "Malemo" stands for the Arabic "muallim" or "mallim," meaning "master" or "teacher," the usual native designation for a vessel's skipper, while "Kanaka" designates the pilot's caste.
Chapter 38
How does the chapter describe Vasco da Gama's departure from Lisbon?
The King was at Montemór o novo when he despatched da Gama and his fellow-commanders. The night before departure, da Gama and his officers kept vigil in the chapel of Our Lady of Belem. On Saturday, 8 July 1497, they were escorted to the beach by a procession of priests and friars carrying lighted tapers; the vicar celebrated mass, received a general confession, and, by virtue of a Bull of Pope Nicholas V (1452), absolved the adventurers of their sins.
Chapter 38
Why could da Gama not simply sail a direct course to the Cape?
The chapter notes da Gama lacked the hydrographic knowledge later navigators had. He knew the winds and currents off the Guinea coast but nothing of the open sea beyond. Even had he attempted a direct 3,770-mile course, he could never have worked down against the strong south-east trades and northern currents, since his ships could not be laid nearer than six points to the wind and would still make considerable leeway.
Chapter 38
Section 393 cards
What weather troubles did da Gama's fleet meet near the doldrums?
The chapter says that on entering the influence of the dreaded doldrums he met calms, baffling winds, and squalls, which prevail especially in June, July, and August. One squall sprung the flagship's mainyard, and heaving up a new yard caused a delay of two days and a night. Attempting to make southing, he was driven westward but crossed the equator in about 19° west.
Chapter 39
How fast did da Gama cover the final 500 leagues to Africa?
After passing beyond the southeast trades, he came under west winds and an eastern current running about a knot an hour. This carried him over the remaining 500 leagues, or 1,700 miles, to the west coast of Africa in thirteen days, with a first landfall on November 4th in about 30° S. His average daily run on that stretch must therefore have been about 131 miles.
Chapter 39
What route did Cabral follow, and on whose instruction?
Cabral left for India in 1500 and was instructed by Vasco da Gama himself to sail south from the Cape Verde Islands until reaching the latitude of the Cape, then head east. Instead, winds and currents carried Cabral toward Brazil, which he made in lat. 17° 20' S., and from there he followed a track past Trinidad and Fernão Vaz, close to what is now recommended to sailing vessels.
Chapter 39
Section 404 cards
Why does the editor reject Correa's account of da Gama's route past the Cape?
The editor argues Correa's account is absurd: a six-hour day occurs only at about lat. 58° 30′ S in mid-winter (June), not in November, when daylight there lasts roughly sixteen hours. Reaching such a latitude would also have meant encountering drift-ice, a stranger experience than the 'tremendous seas' and 'high winds' recorded. The editor prefers Barros, Goes, Castanheda, and the Journal over Correa and Osorio.
Chapter 40
How does the editor characterize Correa's account of the alleged mutiny?
The editor calls it absurdly elaborate and rejects it. Correa describes successive storms, a conspiracy in Coelho's ships, and da Gama tricking his pilot, master, and three seamen into his cabin, putting them in irons, and throwing the navigating instruments into the sea. The editor concedes some discontent was possible but doubts the pilots led a mutiny, agreeing with Professor Kopke against Herculano.
Chapter 40
What happened when da Gama met the Agulhas current on December 17th?
The wind turned east, and da Gama stood out to sea, meeting the full force of the Agulhas current, which runs about ten miles from the land. Unable to make headway against wind and current together, he approached land again on December 20th and found himself at the Ilhéo da Cruz, 27 miles west of the islets from which he had started on December 15th.
Chapter 40
What did da Gama do during his 31-day stay at the Rio dos Bons Signaes?
Arriving off the Kilimani river mouth on January 24th after a 480-mile run in eight days, da Gama stayed 31 days. He careened his vessels, refreshed his crews, and erected a padrão dedicated to S. Raphael. There he also heard glad tidings of more civilized regions ahead. Coelho's caravel had first crossed the bar to take soundings, with the two ships following the next day.
Chapter 40
Section 414 cards
Why did the fleet's coasting voyage to Mozambique take six days for 330 miles?
The vessels kept outside the islands skirted the coast and lay to at night as usual, which the chapter says accounts for the slow rate of progress. Coelho led the way and entered by the shallow southern channel between the islands of S. Thiago and S. Jorge, and the three vessels anchored in front of the town.
Chapter 41
What happened to the fleet on the night of March 14-15 near Mozambique?
They were becalmed, then a light easterly wind arose and at night on the 14th they stood off shore. In the morning of the 15th the Mozambique current, which often runs two to four knots southward, had swept them twelve miles abaft Mozambique. The chapter notes sailing vessels should stand sixty miles eastward, and that Vasco da Gama knew nothing of this.
Chapter 41
When and how did Europeans first sight India on this voyage?
After twenty-one days at sea and still 24 miles from land, a lofty wooded mountain rose in front of them: Mount Eli, 2,220 miles from Melinde. The chapter states the day India was first beheld by Europeans coming direct from a European port was May 18th, a Friday.
Chapter 41
What hardships struck the return crossing of the Arabian Gulf?
Foul winds and calms impeded progress, and a renewed outbreak of scurvy carried off thirty victims and prostrated the rest, leaving only seven or eight fit for duty in each vessel. Da Gama had left Anjediva on October 5th, a Friday, though the N.E. monsoon only sets in at the end of the month, and ninety days passed before the African coast appeared near Magadoxo.
Chapter 41
Section 424 cards
How long did the whole voyage last, from departure to Coelho's return?
The chapter states that from Vasco da Gama's departure from Lisbon on July 8th, 1497, to Coelho's return on July 10th, 1499, 732 days elapsed—two years and two days. Of this time, 316 days were spent before Calecut was reached, 102 at Calecut and its vicinity, and 314 on the homeward passage.
Chapter 42
Why does the chapter doubt Coelho's 76-day Lisbon passage?
The chapter notes the coastal distance is only 1,900 miles, and via the Azores—the only suitable route for sailing vessels—2,920 miles. It argues the passage should have taken forty days, and asks what Coelho did during the remaining thirty-six. It says an experienced sailor like Coelho would not have faced head-winds merely to shorten the distance, though such things have happened.
Chapter 42
What latitudes and longitude errors does the chapter report for early maps of the Cape?
The chapter says that in the five maps examined, the latitude assigned to the Cape of Good Hope varies between 29° and 34° S., while its true position is 34° 22′ S. Longitudes, determined by dead reckoning, place the Cape from 3° 50′ to 10° 20′ too far east. The author argues that one map's near accuracy shows the skill of the pilots.
Chapter 42
What does the chapter regret about da Gama's original sailing charts?
The chapter says it must ever be matter for regret that none of the sailing charts prepared by Vasco da Gama's pilots reached us. Tracing the expedition with charts therefore depends on contemporary compilations that also embody materials brought home by other navigators. It also notes these charts' small scale forced compilers to select names, perhaps not always judiciously.
Chapter 42
Section 434 cards
What did Juan de la Cosa's 1500 map show of Vasco da Gama's voyage?
Almost nothing. The author states de la Cosa was very ill-informed about Gama's results: none of the uncouth names along the East African coast can be traced to Gama, and even Sofala, Quiloa, Moçambique and Mombaça cannot be identified, while Zanzibar and Madagascar lie far out in the Indian Ocean. The only hint of Gama's visit is the name "Calicut", misplaced on the south coast of Caramania.
Chapter 43
How does the anonymous 1502 chart (Dr. Hamy's) differ from earlier maps?
It marks a great advance. It records discoveries by Pinzon, Cabral, Sancho de Toar, Cortereal and the 1501 Brazil expedition that returned September 1502, but knows nothing of João da Nova, so Dr. Hamy dates it 1502. It has a double equator, a Ptolemaic Indian Ocean, yet breaks through Ptolemy's encircling barrier to open an outer ocean, and adds a peninsular India with "Colochuti", plus Madagascar and Tangibar.
Chapter 43
Why is the Cantino chart considered superior, and what sources fed its Indian section?
Cantino had it designed in Lisbon, paying twelve golden ducats; it was begun after Cortereal's return in October 1501 and finished before November 1502, and is held at the Biblioteca Estense, Modena. The author says its outline of Africa is wonderfully correct and superior to later charts. Its African coast comes from recent Portuguese sources, but its India section is largely based on native information, shown by legends using "pulgados" (the "isbas" of the Mohit).
Chapter 43
How does the Canerio chart compare with the Cantino map?
Nicolas de Canerio of Genoa drew it before João da Nova's voyage results were available, proven by the borrowed mid-Atlantic islands "y. tebas" from Juan de la Cosa, unrelated to Ascension or St. Helena. It is almost wholly based on the same materials as Cantino's, more detailed in outline and nomenclature in places, but Africa's shape is far more correctly given on Cantino's chart, whose technical workmanship is also superior.
Chapter 43
Section 444 cards
What does the author conclude about the relationship among the charts, despite their apparent similarity?
The author notes that at first glance the charts seem slavishly copied from one another or a common prototype, but on closer examination this is not sustainable, because the latitudes and longitudes assigned to leading points differ considerably. A table comparing Congo, Cape of Good Hope, Malindi, Calecut, and Malacca across Cosa, Hamy, Cantino, Canerio, and Strassburg Ptolemy supports this.
Chapter 44
What does the chart's author draw on, and how does he treat Ptolemy and Marco Polo?
The author of the chart drew very largely upon native information, not the Italian copyist whose name alone appears on it. Still, he did not venture to disassociate himself altogether from Ptolemy. He made some use of Marco Polo, but put names taken from him—such as Murfulu, Var, and Coilu—in the wrong places.
Chapter 44
What is the island 'Y. rana' in the middle of the Indian Ocean, and what does its legend say?
Y. rana is not one of the Mascarenhas, as might be supposed, but the Illa Iaua of the Catalan map—that is, Java. Its legend states that 'In this island is much benjoim, and silk and porcelain.' Further south there are three islands representing the Mascarenhas, then known by Malabari names.
Chapter 44
What does the chapter say about the Portuguese maps in the 1513 Strassburg Ptolemy?
The originals were sent to Duke Renée II of Lorraine (died 1508) from Portugal. Uebelin and Essler, the editors, say they were drawn by an 'admiral' of King Ferdinand, but Lelewel points out the king meant must be D. Manuel of Portugal. Vespucci may have had something to do with their compilation, though not as actual compiler. They are identical in essentials with Canerio's chart and date to 1502.
Chapter 44
Section 453 cards
What goods does the chapter say the island produces, and what is fished there?
The chapter states that on this island cinnamon and many kinds of spices grow, and that pearls and seed-pearls are fished there. It also notes that the people of the island are idolators and that they take many cloves to Caliqut.
Chapter 45
What do the Cantino Chart extracts say about the islanders' customs and poverty?
One Cantino Chart extract says the people of the island eat one another, and another says that in three islands the people are very poor and naked. These are quoted chart annotations, not the author's own observations.
Chapter 45
Which authorities are numbered in the list of place-names, and what does an asterisk mark?
The authorities are numbered 1 through 7: Henricus Martellus Germanus, Juan de la Cosa, Dr. Hamy's Chart, the Cantino Chart, Canerio, the Strassburg Ptolemy, and Duarte Pacheco. Place-names with an asterisk prefixed are mentioned in the Roteiro.
Chapter 45
Section 464 cards
What does the chapter's comparison table match Portuguese place names with?
It matches the Portuguese names used in the voyage account with the names found on early maps and with modern names. For example, Cabo da boa Esperança appears on maps as Cavo desperanza or Cabo di bona speranza and is the modern Cape of Good Hope. The table thus traces how each landmark was recorded, copied, and renamed over time.
Chapter 46
Which modern locations correspond to the Portuguese names Golfo dos Vaqueiros and Angra de São Braz?
The chapter identifies Golfo dos Vaqueiros (herdsmen bay), also called Angra or Aguada de São Braz (bay or watering-place of St. Blasius), dated Feb. 3, with modern Mossel Bay. Map variants include G. de baguros, Baia de anguada, and G. de Sanbras. The double name reflects both the cattle-herding people and the saint's day associated with the stop.
Chapter 46
What modern feature does the Portuguese name Rio de Infante refer to, and what map variants appear?
The chapter equates Rio de Infante with the modern Great Fish River. On the maps it appears as Rio do infante and, in entries 5 and 6, Rio de infante. A separate entry, Ilha de Infante, is linked to the Three Sisters off Riet Point. The name honors João Infante, as the related Cabo de Infante (Cape Infanta) shows.
Chapter 46
How does the chapter treat Barros's identification of the Rio dos Reis?
The chapter lists Rio dos reis, dated Jan. 6, as the modern Inkomati River, with map forms such as Ri do reis and G. de lom raios. It notes that Barros confounds the Rio dos Reis with the Rio do Cobre. The Rio do Cobre is separately given as the Zavora River, paired with Terra da boa Gente.
Chapter 46
Section 474 cards
What territorial title did King Manuel grant Vasco da Gama on February 22, 1501?
On February 22, 1501, the King granted Vasco da Gama an annual pension of 1,000 cruzados (£483) and the territorial title of "Dom," as recorded in Documents 2 and 3. This came while the Order of S. Thiago still refused to part with Sines, the town Gama wanted, despite a papal dispensation received in 1501 empowering the exchange.
Chapter 47
What favours did Gama receive on January 10, 1502, and under what condition?
The chapter states these favours were granted "freely," without solicitation by Gama or his friends (Document 4). They included an annual hereditary pension of 300,000 reis (£362), the title "Admiral of India" with its privileges, the right to send 200 cruzados of merchandise annually to India free of import duties except the Order of Christ's 5 per cent, and confirmation of the hereditary title "Dom" for himself, his brother Ayres, and his sister Theresa as "Dona."
Chapter 47
Why did the King order Gama to quit Sines in March 1507?
Negotiations to put Gama in possession of Sines had stalled, so he moved there, began building a manor-house, and acted as if the town were his own. The alcaide-mór, D. Luiz de Noronha, did not interfere, but the Order of S. Thiago complained. The King, justly incensed, ordered his Admiral to quit Sines within thirty days and not return without the Master of S. Thiago's permission (Document 7).
Chapter 47
What further hereditary pension did the King bestow on February 4, 1504, and why?
A few months after Gama's return from his second voyage, the King, especially pleased with the "tribute" received from the Sultan of Kilwa, granted him a further hereditary pension of 400,000 reis (1,000 cruzados, or £483). This is recorded in Document 5. The chapter notes the King was charged with being niggardly, but argues he dealt liberally with Gama.
Chapter 47
Section 484 cards
What income did Vasco da Gama enjoy before receiving a territorial title?
The chapter states da Gama held three royal pensions totalling 2,750 cruzados (£1,328), and the Venetian ambassador Masser estimated his whole income at 4,000 ducats or cruzados (£1,930). Only six noblemen, two archbishops and seven bishops in Portugal had larger incomes.
Chapter 48
How did da Gama finally obtain the title of Count?
After the promised countship failed to materialize, da Gama asked in 1518 to emigrate; the King granted it on condition he defer departure to year's end. D. Jayme, Duke of Bragança, then surrendered Vidigueira and Villa de Frades by agreement of November 4, 1519, receiving an hereditary pension of 400,000 reis plus 4,000 gold cruzados. The King granted the towns and, on December 29, the title Conde de Vidigueira.
Chapter 48
What did the 1499 letters patent grant da Gama, and on what conditions?
The King granted da Gama, his heirs and successors, the town of Sines with revenues, privileges, tithes and civil and criminal jurisdiction, in recognition of discovering India. But Sines belonged to the Order of São Thiago, so title-deeds required the Order to receive another Crown town and papal dispensation for the exchange, plus satisfaction to D. Luiz de Noronha, its alcaide-mór.
Chapter 48
How does the 1502 letters patent describe da Gama's achievement and reward?
The King credits da Gama with discovering 1,550 leagues in one voyage, versus 1,885 leagues found over many years since Prince Henry's explorations began in 1433, plus a gold-mine and wealthy trading cities. Citing services to the kingdom and Christendom and injury to the Mohammedans, the King grants him, unsolicited, an annuity of 300,000 reis in perpetuity for himself and descendants.
Chapter 48
Section 494 cards
How was Vasco da Gama's 300,000 reis annuity funded?
The King assigned it from several sources: the new fish tithe on Sines and Villanova de Milfontes (60,000 reis), 130,000 reis from the excise of Sines (deficiencies made up from S. Thiago de Cacem), 40,000 reis from the excise of S. Thiago, and the remaining 70,000 reis from the timber octroi of Lisbon. Surplus tithe receipts went to da Gama, but the King was not obliged to cover deficiencies.
Chapter 49
What privileges and titles did the King grant Vasco da Gama and his family?
The King appointed him Admiral of India with all honours, franchises and revenues of that rank in territories under royal rule. He could send 200 cruzados annually to India in royal vessels, paying only the 5 per cent to the Order of Christ, a privilege hereditary to his descendants. The King also gave the hereditary title Dom to da Gama, his brother Ayres and sister Theresa, and decreed his heirs always bear the name Gama.
Chapter 49
Why did the King grant da Gama a 400,000 reis annuity in 1504?
The King cited da Gama's discovery of India, which brought great wealth, and noted that what Romans and kings had vainly attempted was accomplished by him, though at great loss of life — over half the first expedition died, including his brother Paulo. His second voyage was equally brilliant: Kilwa was reduced to submission and tribute, and the fleet returned richly laden. The annuity was secured on Lisbon's salt tax.
Chapter 49
How did the King respond when da Gama asked to leave Portugal over the promised Count title?
Da Gama reminded the King that the title of Count had been promised but not conferred, and asked permission to leave the kingdom. The King, addressing him as 'Almirante amiguo', ordered him to remain until the end of December, hoping he would see the error he was about to commit. If still resolved to go, the King would not hinder his departure with wife, sons and moveable property.
Chapter 49
Section 504 cards
How did Vasco da Gama acquire the towns of Vidigueira and Villa de Frades?
In 1519 the King authorized da Gama to surrender his hereditary pension of 400,000 reis to D. Jayme, Duke of Bragança. In exchange, the Duke gave the towns of Vidigueira and Villa de Frades, and da Gama also paid 4,000 cruzados in gold. The King sanctioned the arrangement and granted the towns to da Gama and his heirs irrevocably.
Chapter 50
What title did King Manuel confer on Vasco da Gama in December 1519?
By a decree dated Evora, December 29, 1519, D. Manoel, after praising da Gama's services as Admiral of India, conferred on him the title of Count of Vidigueira, with all prerogatives, rights, graces, privileges, liberties and franchises enjoyed by the Counts of the Kingdom by usage and ancient custom.
Chapter 50
What privileges came with the grant of Vidigueira and Villa de Frades?
The King's December 17, 1519 grant included all privileges, notably civil and criminal jurisdiction and church patronage, which the Dukes of Bragança had enjoyed. The text notes these privileges exceeded those usually enjoyed by a mere Count, making the grant unusually extensive for da Gama and his heirs.
Chapter 50
What provision did King João III make for da Gama's heir before the 1524 voyage?
On February 5, 1524, as the Admiral prepared to go to India a third time, King D. João III ordered that in case of da Gama's death his son and heir would forthwith assume the title of Count of Vidigueira and enter upon all privileges to which that rank entitled him.
Chapter 50
Section 514 cards
Which vessels made up Vasco da Gama's fleet, and which carried the author?
The fleet consisted of the S. Gabriel (flag-ship), the S. Raphael under Paulo da Gama, the Berrio under Nicolau Coelho, and a store-ship under Gonçalo Nunes. The author of the Journal served on board the S. Raphael, as stated in the note and the Introduction.
Chapter 51
Where did Gama's company pray the night before departure, and what replaced it?
They spent the night in prayer at a chapel or ermida in the suburb of Restello, four miles below the Lisbon Arsenal, built by Henry the Navigator for mariners. After Gama's victorious return, D. Manuel founded on its site the monastery of Our Lady of Bethlehem, or Belem.
Chapter 51
Why does the editor reject the August 18 date in the text?
The editor argues the date is obviously wrong: deducting a two-day delay, Gama spent 95 days from São Thiago to St. Helena Bay, about 1,170 leagues, averaging 12 leagues or 45 miles daily. The stated dates would require an impossible 300 leagues in a few days, so the second date is likely October.
Chapter 51
What does the editor say about Pero d'Alenquer taking soundings?
Kopke suggests the sounding duty was more probably given to Pero d'Alenquer, who had doubled the Cape with Bartholomew Dias, than to Nicolau Coelho as Castanheda and Goes state. The editor disagrees, noting d'Alenquer had never seen the bay before, and that Coelho was repeatedly employed on this duty later.
Chapter 51
Section 524 cards
What does the editor say about the identification of the Aguada da Boa Paz?
The editor argues the Aguada da Boa Paz matches the Zavora River in 34° 25' E, since Perestrello places it 15 leagues east of the Rio do Ouro and 43 leagues west of Cabo das Correntes. He rejects Kopke's placement near Inhambane, noting the reference to the sea's swell rules out the sheltered Delagoa Bay.
Chapter 52
How do the sources disagree on when the Cape was doubled?
Castanheda says Wednesday, November 20, but Wednesday was the 22nd. Barros says Tuesday, the 20th, but Tuesday was the 21st. The editor notes both dates are internally inconsistent and refers readers to Stanley's Vasco da Gama, p. 48, for further particulars.
Chapter 52
What was a padrão, and have any of Vasco da Gama's been recovered?
A padrão is a stone pillar bearing the arms of Portugal and an inscription, such as King John first ordered his explorers to set up. The editor states that none of the pillars set up by Vasco da Gama has been recovered, since the pillar near Malindi is clearly of later date.
Chapter 52
What does the editor conclude about the pillar on the Ilha da Cruz?
The editor argues the usual statement that this pillar was erected on the Ilha da Cruz must be rejected. Pero d'Alenquer, a companion of Bartolomeu Dias, is the real authority for these statements. Mesquita Perestrello had already rejected the claim in 1575 in his coast survey report.
Chapter 52
Section 534 cards
What did Vasco da Gama do at the bar of the Kiliman on January 24 and 25?
On January 24 Gama arrived off the bar of the Kiliman, cast anchor, and sent his smallest vessel, the Berrio, inside to take soundings. On the following day, January 25, he crossed the bar with his two other vessels. The editor notes the source sentence is a very involved one.
Chapter 53
What disease struck the crew, and how did Paulo da Gama respond?
The disease was evidently scurvy, described as so fatal to early navigators. Castanheda reports that in this time of trouble Paulo da Gama visited the sick night and day, condoled with them, and freely distributed the medicines he had brought for his own use.
Chapter 53
What did the Portuguese initially assume about their visitors, and what changed?
They took their visitors for "Turks," or at all events for Mohammedans. The editor notes that all this changed after their true character had been discovered. Elsewhere the notes explain that the author's "Moors" were either pure Arabs (white Moors) or Swahilis speaking Arabic.
Chapter 53
What was Vasco da Gama instructed to seek regarding Prester John?
Gama was instructed to find out a mighty sovereign known as Prester John, said to be a Christian, whose states' situation was very uncertain. Kopke adds Gama had no doubt received special instructions to inquire for that Christian potentate, and information from Pero de Covilhao and Lucas Marcos confirmed the Portuguese belief that he was the Emperor of Ethiopia.
Chapter 53
Section 544 cards
According to the chapter, who may strictly claim the title of sharif?
The sharifs are described as descendants of the Prophet who, though not priests, enjoy a certain religious rank. Strictly speaking, the chapter states, only the head of the family descending from the Prophet in a direct line can claim the title sharif; all others can only claim the title Saiyid, meaning Lord. The chapter adds that the "white" Moors are true Arabs.
Chapter 54
What does the chapter say about the location of the baixas de S. Raphael?
Sir John Kirk is quoted as stating that the baixas de S. Raphael are undoubtedly the coral reefs of Mtangata. He notes the Usambara mountains, rising 20 to 25 miles inland to 3,500 ft., would be plainly visible from the ships in clear weather, and that these are the only mountains approaching the coast and forming so marked an object from the sea.
Chapter 54
What happened to the S. Raphael on the homeward voyage, and where?
The chapter states that on the homeward voyage, in January 1499, the S. Raphael was burnt at the shoals described as lying off the town of Tamugata (Mtangata). This identification, the chapter says, enables the locality to be fixed with much certainty. A roadstead or bay called Mtangata still exists, though the town itself no longer does.
Chapter 54
What does the chapter say about the Royal Trumpet, or Siwa?
Sir John Kirk states that the Royal Trumpet, or Siwa, was peculiar to cities ruled by descendants of the Persians of Shiraz, who settled on the coast in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The trumpets were of ivory or copper and wood, consisted of three pieces, were sometimes elaborately carved, and bore Arabic texts.
Chapter 54
Section 554 cards
Who was the 'king' of Malindi that the author says received Vasco da Gama?
The author argues the 'king' referred to was in reality the king's son, acting as regent, possibly the Sheikh Wagerage (Wajeraj), who in 1515 wrote to D. Manuel asking permission to send one vessel annually to Goa and Mozambique. The author notes uncertainty over whether Wajeraj and 'Ali, King of Melinde' (1520 letter) were the same person.
Chapter 55
What did the Portuguese take the Hindu temple images and pillars to be?
The Portuguese looked upon the Romish-style images and pictures as outlandish representations of the Indians' own gods or idols. The 'church' was actually a pagoda or temple; its high pillar held the flag marking the start of the Temple festival, and the cock on top symbolized the War-god Subraumainar. Smaller pillars supported coco-oil lamps during festivals.
Chapter 55
What did the four priests say before the image, and how did each side react?
Goes says the four priests alone entered the sanctuary and, pointing to the image, said 'Maria, Maria'; the natives then prostrated themselves while the Portuguese knelt in adoration of the Virgin. Burton suggests the image was Gauri, the 'White Goddess'; Charton suggests Maha Maja and her son Shakya. The book's illustration shows Krishna and his mother Devaki.
Chapter 55
Who was the pilot taken on at Malindi, and how reliable was his information?
The pilot was a native of Gujarat, called Malema Cana or Canaqua by Goes, Barros, and Faria y Sousa. 'Malema' corrupts Mallim (master or teacher), while Canaqua (Kanaka) is his caste name, also used for sailing master. The author argues his information was scarcely more correct than that previously obtained from the Moors.
Chapter 55
Section 564 cards
What does the editor say about the charge that Vasco da Gama forged the king's letters?
The editor argues the letters were given to Gama when he left Portugal, as Barros and other historians state. Correa's story that Vasco and his brother Paulo concocted them off Calecut and forged the king's signature is therefore quite incredible. The editor adds that Gama has many sins to answer for, but forgery should not be fastened on him without good proof.
Chapter 56
How is the betel-nut (atambor) described and prepared for chewing?
Atambor is a corruption of the Arabic tambur, the betel-nut, fruit of Areca Catechu, chewed throughout India, the Indian Archipelago and Southern China. Its juice discolours the teeth but is said to sweeten the breath and benefit health. Usually it is cut into four slices, wrapped in a leaf of Betel-pepper, and chewed with lime and catechu. The editor notes 'erva' is inapplicable to this fruit.
Chapter 56
What does the editor say about the Portuguese reports describing the Hindus as Christians?
The editor notes it is possible some Portuguese doubted whether the Hindu gods and images represented their own saints; Castanheda reports João de Sá saying if these be devils he worships the true God, at which Gama smiled. But the editor states it is equally true that reports by the expedition's heads described these Hindus as Christians, and the king believed them to be so.
Chapter 56
What does the editor say about the title Zamorin and its possible origins?
The editor notes Barros writes Çamorij, Correa Samori and Çamorin, and others Zamorin. It is a title; according to some it is a corrupt reading of Tamuri Rajah, Tamuri being the name of the most exalted family of the Nair caste, while others derive it from Samudriya Rajah, meaning King of the Coast.
Chapter 56
Section 574 cards
According to Castanheda, why did Vasco da Gama say he carried off the Malabaris?
Castanheda says Gama's letter explained he had carried off the Malabaris so they might bear witness to the discoveries he had made, and apologized for it. He said he would have left a factor behind but feared the Moors would kill him, and hoped friendly relations would ultimately be established to mutual advantage. Goes adds that the king was much pleased and read the letter to his wives and the kidnapped men's relatives.
Chapter 57
What does the chapter say about the existing pillar at Malindi?
The existing pillar is not the padrão erected by Gama, though it probably occupies its site. It is built of concrete made from coral rock and lime, rises 16 feet, and is surmounted by a cross bearing the arms of Portugal but no inscription. Sir John Kirk believes the sandstone cross is very ancient and of local make, unlike other crosses found, which are limestone or marble.
Chapter 57
What happened to the figure-head of the S. Raphael?
Vasco da Gama took the figure-head and it was treated as an heirloom by the family, several members carrying it on their travels. It ultimately rested in the church of Vidigueira founded by D. Francisco da Gama. When that church was desecrated in 1840 the figure was moved to another church, where Texeira de Aragão found it in 1853; it is now in the church at Belem, carved in oak about 24 inches high.
Chapter 57
What correction does the editor make about the Anjediva islands?
The editor identifies the Anjediva or 'Five Islands' as lying close to the coast at 14° 45' N, about 40 miles south of Goa, the largest being not quite a mile long. It rises boldly from the sea but has a beach on its northern side for landing. D. Francisco de Almeida built a fort there in 1505, demolished seven months later; the existing fortifications were erected by order of Francisco de Tavora, Conde d'Alvar, in 1682.
Chapter 57
Section 584 cards
What did the King of Cochin give Vasco da Gama in 1502, per D. Manuel's letter?
According to D. Manuel's letter to the King of Castile, the King of Cochin gave Vasco da Gama in 1502 a stone as large as a filbert, taken from the head of a very rare animal called Burgoldof, which proved a specific against all poisons. The editor suggests that "Baqua" should be read as Bezoar.
Chapter 58
What is bezoar, and how was it regarded in the Middle Ages and East?
Bezoar is a calcareous concretion found in the intestines of some animals, especially goats and antelopes, but also monkeys, ranging from pea to fist size. Its Arabic name badesar means antidote. Throughout the Middle Ages this oriental bezoar was considered a most potent medicine against poisons and is still highly valued in the East. Bezoar of Goa is an artificial product of musk, ambergris, and gum tragacanth.
Chapter 58
How did prices at Calecut compare with Alexandria and London, per the editor's comparison?
Using Barbosa's Calecut prices and a fanão worth 6.5d., a purchaser of one pound of each listed commodity would have paid £17 13s. 6d. at Calecut and received £57 12s. 8d. at Alexandria, an increase of 210 per cent. The editor also lists present London retail prices, such as musk at £117 per pound.
Chapter 58
What does the editor conclude about Conimata, and why reject Timor?
Prof. Kopke would identify Conimata with Timor, where a fort called Camanaça exists, but the editor finds this quite inadmissible because there are no elephants in Timor. The editor instead inclines to Sumatra, a small state in North Sumatra adjoining Pedir, noting the voyage to Pater and Conimata is said to take the same fifty days, suggesting a duplication of Sumatra as well as Bengal.
Chapter 58
Section 594 cards
Why did Pedro Correa go to Pope Alexander VI on behalf of the Orders of Christ and Aviz?
Pedro Correa's immediate business was to obtain from Pope Alexander VI permission for the Commanders and Knights of the Orders of Christ and Aviz to marry. According to Goes's Chronica do D. Manuel, he succeeded in this. The note also records that Alexander VI issued a Bull at Rome in 1497 allowing King Manuel and his successors to hold lands conquered from the infidels, without prejudice to prior claims of other Christian powers.
Chapter 59
How did the King's stated aim in the documents differ between versions?
The phrase "e proveito nosso" ("and our profit") appears in Alguns Documentos as "e principalemente nosso" ("and principally ours"). The editor suggests it is just possible the King meant that the "service of God" was his principal object, as it had been for his predecessors. So the wording of the royal aim is uncertain and may have been altered in transmission.
Chapter 59
What did the King or his advisers identify as Ptolemy's Taprobane, and who disagreed later?
The King, or his advisers, at once identified Ptolemy's Taprobane with Ceylon. By contrast, Ortelius, the professional geographer, seventy-six years later still assigned that name to Sumatra, as shown on his map Indiae Orientalis in Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. The note thus contrasts the court's quick identification with the geographer's later, differing placement.
Chapter 59
What did the 1497 Bull of Alexander VI grant King Manuel, and what did it require of him?
A Bull of Alexander VI dated at Rome in 1497, kalendas of June, allowed King Manuel and his successors to keep possession of countries conquered from the infidels, without prejudice to prior claims of other Christian powers. It prohibited kings lacking such claims from disturbing Manuel in these rights. Finally, the Pope required the King to establish the Christian religion in all countries he might conquer.
Chapter 59
Section 604 cards
What did the annotator conclude about the 'strangers' seen in Calicut?
The annotator argues the strangers were undoubtedly Chinese, citing their four-masted vessels, a mask-like vizor, and a sword attached to a spear as Chinese features. Long hair was worn before the Manju introduced pig-tails in 1644. Chinese fleets reached Ceylon in 1401, Magadoxo sent an embassy in 1417, and junks appeared at Jedda in 1431. Ramusio contemptuously suppressed the writer's speculation that they were Germans or Russians.
Chapter 60
What does the chapter say about Christians at Calicut?
The annotator states Gaspar da Gama was quite right: there were no Christians at Calicut when Vasco da Gama first visited, nor are there many now. Cochin, not Calicut, was the chief seat of the Syrian Christians of Malabar, an offshoot of the Persian church recognizing the Nestorian patriarch of Babylon. They are popularly called S. Thomas Christians, though there is not the slightest evidence that the Apostle visited India.
Chapter 60
How does the chapter describe the Laccadive and Maldive islands?
The annotator identifies the islands as the Laccadive group, fourteen in number, though the name Laksha Dwipa means 'the Hundred Thousand Islands' and they were supposed to be much more numerous. One codex says there were 11,000 of these islands. The Maldives were known as Narikela Dwipa.
Chapter 60
What correction does the annotator make about the voyage's distance?
The annotator states the actual distance is about 10,500 nautical miles, or 3,060 Portuguese leagues, correcting the figure implied in the text. The annotator also notes elsewhere that a stated number should be 160 rather than the figure given.
Chapter 60
Section 614 cards
What does the editor note about the real distance to Bahrein versus Ramusio's figure?
Ramusio gives 300 leagues, but the editor states the real distance of Bahrein is about 550 leagues. The editor suggests there may be some confusion with the Manar pearl fishery. Varthema and Duarte Barbosa both refer to the pearl fishery of the Bahrein islands and describe the islanders as Mohammedans.
Chapter 61
How does the editor correct Rezende's chronology of the stay at Calecut?
The editor notes that the preceding dates agree with the Journal, but the anchorage two leagues from Calecut was only reached on May 20th, and the stay at or off Calecut was certainly much longer than the seventy-four days allowed by Rezende. Seventy-four days would only carry from May 20th to August 1st.
Chapter 61
What does the editor say about the fustas of the Sabayo and Gama's ports of call?
The editor states that the fustas of the Sabayo were fought after Vasco's return from Calecut, and that he visited neither Cochin nor Cananor in the course of this first voyage. The editor says he need hardly draw the reader's attention to this.
Chapter 61
What does the editor say about the tonnage figures of 400 tons measurement?
The editor explains that a ton register has a capacity of 100 cubic feet, while a ton measurement is usually assumed to have a capacity of 40 cubic feet. Hence 400 tons measurement would be equivalent to 160 tons register, instead of 250 to 300.
Chapter 61
Section 623 cards
What disagreement does the chapter note between Wolf and the editor about Gama's navigational tables?
Rudolf Wolf credits Regiomontanus with the first practical mariners' tables and states that Dias and Vasco da Gama used them, without once mentioning Zacuto. The editor counters that Regiomontanus's Ephemerides, printed in 1474, simply became better known, perhaps brought to Portugal by Behaim, but that it cannot be doubted Gama took Zacuto's tables.
Chapter 62
What does the chapter say about the reliability of dates in the Journal?
The editor states that the dates in the Journal may confidently be accepted as correct, allowing for a few lapsi calami, or copyist's errors, which can nearly always be rectified because the author names the day of the week and often the saint to whom the day is dedicated. On the departure date, the Journal, Barros, Goes, Castanheda and Faria agree; Sernigi gives July 9th and Correa March 25th.
Chapter 62
What does the chapter report about the 'Esphera de Ouro' coin and the meaning of MEA?
The Sphere was a device bestowed on D. Manuel by King João II, and a coin called the 'Esphera de Ouro' was minted in Portuguese India. M.B. Lopez Fernandes owned one, with the device on the face and a royal crown with MEA on the obverse. Manuel de Faria thought MEA meant 'Mine'; Fernandes leaned toward MEIA, 'Half'. Its intrinsic value was about six shillings.
Chapter 62
Section 634 cards
Which island do the editors identify as the one called Ascenção menor on early Portuguese charts?
The editors state there is no doubt that the island referred to by Thome Lopes—330 leagues from the Ilha dos Papagaios, 775 from Boa Vista, and 850 from the Cape—is the island now known as Trinidad. On early Portuguese charts this island is called Ascenção menor. They add that if Giovanni da Empoli's distances can be trusted, it must be this island rather than João da Nova's discovery.
Chapter 63
How long did Vasco da Gama take to cross from Melinde to India, and how did later captains compare?
Vasco da Gama took 24 days to cross from Melinde to India. Cabral, João da Nova, Estevão da Gama and Affonso de Albuquerque made the same passage in 15 to 18 days. The editor explains the difference: they crossed in August, when the south-west monsoon blows freshly.
Chapter 63
What conversion does the editor use to turn legoas into nautical miles?
In converting legoas into nautical miles the editor assumes that 100 legoas equal 338 miles. A cross-reference directs readers to the entry League in the Index and Glossary. This assumption underlies the distances cited throughout the edition's notes.
Chapter 63
What regret about historians of Portuguese exploration does the editor share, and whose?
The editor says he thinks it was Admiral Ignacio da Costa Quintella, author of the Annaes da marinha Portugueza, who regretted that writing the history of Portuguese exploration fell almost exclusively to landsmen, who neglected to give satisfactory accounts of the routes followed by early navigators. The editor states that he fully shares this regret.
Chapter 63
Section 643 cards
What correction does the editor make about Diogo Cão's discovery of the Congo?
The editor argues the date should evidently read 1488, not 1482, since the Congo is only 1,240 leagues from Lisbon while the 1,885 leagues actually reach the Rio do Infante. The editor also notes the river's name is spelled as if honoring Prince Henry rather than João Infante, Dias's companion.
Chapter 64
What does the glossary say about the term 'adarga'?
According to Jubinal's Armeria Real, the glossary describes an adarga as a short spear with a target-like handguard and a dagger projecting at right angles, citing Burton's Camoens for comparison.
Chapter 64
What does the glossary say about 'barca' as used by the author?
The glossary notes barca is a term vaguely applied by the author to sailing boats, where others use the more definite terms 'fusta' or 'zambuk.'
Chapter 64
Section 654 cards
What was Calecut's significance in the journal's index?
Calecut (11° 15´ N., 75° 45´ E.) is indexed with its arrival point, description, pagodas, royal palace, and the Zamorin or King. Portuguese sailors visited the city, a Padrão was set up, and its commerce is noted, along with Sernigi's account and a legend on Canerio's map.
Chapter 65
How did the value of the cruzado change over time?
The cruzado was a Portuguese gold coin of fine gold worth 9s. 8d., retaining that value until 1555, when it was coined of 22⅝-carat gold and reduced to 9s. 2d. Exchange rates were 380 réis up to 1499, 390 réis from 1499 to 1517, and 400 réis after, implying gold to silver at 1:10.
Chapter 65
What does the index say about Gaspar Correa's reliability?
The index notes Gaspar Correa's untrustworthiness, citing Herculano's eulogy alongside it. It lists his accounts of Vasco's ships, his padrões, his portrait, the number of men, convicts, Gaspar da Gama, Monçaide, Davane, the departure from Lisbon, doubling the Cape, an alleged mutiny, transactions at Cananor, and a concocted letter to the Zamorin.
Chapter 65
Which places and commodities are indexed under 'C'?
Entries include Cairo, Cambay, Cananor, the Canaries, Cape Verde islands, Cape of Good Hope, Ceylon, Cochin, Coulão, and Crangalor. Commodities include cinnamon (with boughs), cloves, and coco-nut palm, with cinnamon and cloves tied to Calecut commerce and map references.
Chapter 65
Section 664 cards
What was the farazola, a weight used at Calecut, equivalent to?
The chapter states that the farazola (also spelled Frasila), a weight at Calecut, was equal to 10.4 kilos, or 22 lbs. It appears in the index of terms and places rather than in narrative text, listed alphabetically among other entries such as food at Calecut and fowls.
Chapter 66
According to the chapter, how long was a Portuguese league and how did pilots use it?
The Portuguese (Castilian) legoa of 7,500 varas equalled 6,269 meters, or 20,568 feet, and 17.72 of these legoas equalled one mean degree of a meridian. Portuguese pilots generally assumed 17½ legoas to 1°. The chapter notes that had they known the earth's real size, the league would have been 6,350 m, an error of only 1.27 per cent.
Chapter 66
What happened to Gaspar da Gama at Anjediva and what information did he provide?
Gaspar da Gama was at Anjediva, where he was tortured, and he supplied information on countries to the south. The chapter also notes his history is given elsewhere in the work. He is listed among the Gamas alongside Vasco's brother Paulo, who captained the S. Raphael and died during the voyage.
Chapter 66
What happened to Paulo da Gama's ship, and what became of Paulo himself?
Paulo da Gama captained the S. Raphael and lost the flagship; his ship ran aground at Malindi and was later burnt. The chapter mentions an alleged breaking-up of his ship and records his death during the voyage. He had been offered command of the expedition before Vasco led it.
Chapter 66
Section 674 cards
What does the index say about the Rio dos Bons Signaes and two other rivers?
The index identifies the Rio dos Bons Signaes with two other names: the river of Mercy and the Rio da Misericordia. All three are listed as identical, with cross-references to pages 19, 146, 169, and 173. The entry thus records that these names refer to the same river rather than to separate waterways.
Chapter 67
How did the value of the Portuguese real change between 1485 and 1555?
The index states that the Cologne marc of 229.5 grammes at a fineness of 11/12ths was coined into 2,280 réis in 1485, 2,340 in 1499, 2,500 in 1517, and 2,600 in 1555. The number of réis per marc therefore rose steadily across those dates, meaning the coin's silver content declined.
Chapter 67
What does the index record about Moçambique, including its arrival and return events?
The index gives Moçambique's position as 15° S., 40° 45´ E. (Map III) and lists the arrival there, with cross-references to pages 22, 146, 151, and 197. It notes trade at pages 23 and 69, and a conflict on the return voyage at pages 92 and 201. A separate entry covers the Moçambique current at page 197.
Chapter 67
What does the index say about the Roteiro manuscript, its author, and its editions?
The index lists the Roteiro manuscript at page xxii, its author at xxv, and the author's style at xxviii. It records Portuguese editions at xxxii, French translations at xxxiv, and an English translation at xxxv. The entries treat the manuscript, its authorship, style, and translations as separate indexed topics.
Chapter 67
Section 684 cards
What happened to the ships São Raphael and São Gabriel in this voyage?
The São Raphael, Paulo da Gama's ship, sprang a mast, was repaired, ran aground, was injured at Anjediva, and was finally burnt. The São Gabriel, the flagship, was also burnt. The chapter gives a description and picture of the São Gabriel, and notes its tonnage among the vessels.
Chapter 68
Which islands does the index list as imaginary?
The index lists Tausens, Tebas (or Thebas), and Terra, also called Fumos, as imaginary islands. It also mentions Toleta de Martoloia and the variation of the compass nearby, and identifies Taprobana with Ceylon.
Chapter 68
What does the index say about the Zamorin of Calecut?
Zamorin is the title of the ruler of Calecut. His letter to Vasco da Gama is noted, and the index cross-references Gama and Dias. Calecut is also associated with wine, and the xerafin is a coin there equal to 12 fanãos in gold, or 7s. 5d.
Chapter 68
What does the index record about scurvy and sickness on the voyage?
Scurvy is indexed with several page references, and sickness at Mombaça is cross-referenced to scurvy. The index also lists the scientific outfit of Vasco da Gama and the tonnage of vessels, alongside a vocabulary of Malayalam.
Chapter 68
Source and licence
Text used: Project Gutenberg eBook #46440 (Public domain in the United States). Generated from the full text; cards paraphrase the source.
Version: Public domain edition. Retrieved 2026-10-30. Cards reviewed 2026-10-30.
These cards paraphrase the text for study. They are not a substitute for reading the book, and they do not reproduce long passages.
Turn your own notes into cards
Upload a PDF, Word, or text file and get question-and-answer cards for closed-notes practice. Five cards are free, no signup.