Edwin Wolf’s study of the 1593 Doctrina Christiana examines the first book printed in the Philippines, its physical production, survival, discovery, and pricing. The deck covers his four framing questions, printing method and defects, paper, contents, the two Manila Doctrinas, and claims about early printers.
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Chapter 1 · Question
What four general problems does Wolf say he will discuss about the Doctrina Christiana?
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Chapter 1 · Answer
The author states he will discuss four problems: first, a physical description of the book; second, a chronological bibliographical history recording evidence that it was the first book printed in the Philippines and weighing contrary testimonies; third, an attempt to establish the authorship of the text; and lastly, a discussion of the actual printing.
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Section 14 cards
What four general problems does Wolf say he will discuss about the Doctrina Christiana?
The author states he will discuss four problems: first, a physical description of the book; second, a chronological bibliographical history recording evidence that it was the first book printed in the Philippines and weighing contrary testimonies; third, an attempt to establish the authorship of the text; and lastly, a discussion of the actual printing.
Chapter 1
Why have so few early Philippine printed books survived, according to the chapter?
The author explains that the paper was among the most destructible ever used, and native worms and insects thrived on it while heat and dampness took a slower toll. He adds earthquake, fire, flood, and war devastations, plus the absence of systematic archival preservation; the two fires of 1603 alone burned the Dominican convent and all of Binondo.
Chapter 1
How was the present copy of the Doctrina Christiana discovered and acquired?
In spring 1946, New York dealer William H. Schab was in Paris and heard through a friend of a 1593 Manila book. He was so incredulous that the friend telephoned the owner to confirm it. Schab met the Paris bookseller-collector who owned it, induced him to sell, brought it to the United States, and offered it to Lessing J. Rosenwald, who purchased it and presented it to the Library of Congress.
Chapter 1
What are the physical features of the Doctrina Christiana as described?
It is printed in Gothic letters and Tagalog characters on paper made from the paper mulberry, browned and brittle with age. It has thirty-eight leaves: a title-page under a woodcut of St. Dominic, with a blank verso bearing a manuscript inscription signed Juan de Cuellar, plus seventy-four pages of text. Unbound, it measures 9 1/8 by 7 inches and was made up in four gatherings.
Chapter 1
Section 24 cards
How was the Doctrina Christiana printed, and what defects reveal the method?
Each page was printed from a single hand-carved wood-block (xylographic method). Vertical lines along inner margins came from the inked edge of the block, wood grain caused striations throughout, and the uneven impression shows pages were printed in a primitive manner without a conventional press.
Chapter 2
What did Pardo de Tavera say about the paper used in early Philippine printing?
He called it detestable, brittle, and without consistency or resistance. Called rice, silk, or China paper, it was the only kind then used in the Philippines for printing and writing. It was made of kotsu (Broussonetia papyrifera) and coated with impure alum, which absorbed moisture and oxidized, darkening books from bone to dark cinnamon.
Chapter 2
What contents made the Doctrina Christiana the missionaries' most useful handbook?
After a syllabary come the Pater Noster, Ave Maria, Credo, Salve Regina, Articles of Faith, Ten Commandments, Commandments of the Holy Church, Sacraments, Seven Mortal Sins, Fourteen Works of Charity, Confession, and Catechism. In small compass it presented the simplest, most easily learned, and most essential tenets of the Catholic Church.
Chapter 2
What do the 1593 documents reveal about the two Doctrinas printed at Manila?
Dasmariñas's June 20, 1593 letter to Philip II says he licensed, for that once because of great need, a Tagalog Doctrina and a Chinese one, priced at four reales each. A 1593 manuscript account confirms both but prices the Tagalog at two reales and the Chinese at four. No copy of the Chinese Doctrina has been found.
Chapter 2
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What price did Dasmariñas's letter set for the Doctrina, and what did the 1593 documents show?
Dasmariñas's letter priced the books at four reales each, following Spanish price-control procedure, and he apologized for the high price citing general high prices. However, the verso of the title signed by Juan de Cuellar gives two reales, and the 1593 account also lists the Tagalog Doctrina at two reales. The author notes the discrepancy's cause is impossible to determine, suggesting a possible decision to lower the cost for poorer natives or an adjustment because the Chinese volume was larger.
Chapter 3
How did the Doctrina's final price compare with prices allowed in Mexico?
The author calculates that if the Doctrina was quarto size, appraised at eight pages per sheet, the price per sheet comes to about fourteen maravedís, or less than half a real. The Emperor had allowed the Casa de Cromberger in Mexico in 1542 to sell books at seventeen maravedís a sheet, exactly one half a real. The final two-reales price made the Doctrina less than half the price allowed in Mexico fifty years before.
Chapter 3
What did Chirino claim about the first printers, and what does the author conclude about Villanueva?
Chirino, a Jesuit who came in 1590, wrote in a 1610 manuscript that those who printed first were Juan de Villanueva of the Augustinians, who printed certain little tracts, and Francisco de San Joseph of the Dominicans, who printed larger things of more bulk. The author identifies Villanueva as the second Augustinian of that name, in Lubao in 1590 and Hagonoy in 1593. Apart from Chirino, no record of his works exists, so the author suggests he may have printed small xylographic books between 1593 and 1599, of which no copies or further record have appeared.
Chapter 3
According to Aduarte, how did printing begin for Blancas de San José's Tagalog books?
Aduarte, whose Dominican history was continued and edited by Domingo Gonçalez and printed in 1640, states that Blancas de San José learned Tagalog in Bataan, preaching within three months, and wrote many devotional books. Since there was no printing in the islands and no one who understood it or was a journeyman printer, he planned to have it done through a Chinaman, a good Christian, who learned everything necessary to do printing and printed the books. Fernandez earlier wrote that Blancas printed a book of Our Lady of the Rosary in Tagalog in 1602, said to be the first book printed there.
Chapter 3
Section 44 cards
What two works by Blancas de San José are known to be extant, and when were they printed?
Only two of Blancas de San José's works are known to be extant: the Arte y Reglas de la Lengva Tagala and the Librong Pagaaralan nang manga Tagalog nang uicang Castilla (Libro en qve aprendan los Tagalos, la lengua Castellana). Both were printed at Bataan in 1610, and until the discovery of the Doctrina and the Ordinationes of 1604 they were the earliest surviving Philippine imprints known.
Chapter 4
What did Quétif and Echard suggest about early Philippine printing, and why is it questionable?
In their 1719 Paris bibliography of Dominican writers, Quétif and Echard suggested Blancas de San José published his works with a Chinese Christian using Chinese blocks, since European typographers and types had not yet arrived. The author notes they likely never saw the books, and the claim is not entirely true: two listed works are known to have been printed typographically in 1610.
Chapter 4
How did Hervas y Panduro document the 1593 Doctrina Christiana?
Hervas, a Jesuit exiled to Cesena, published in 1785 the eighteenth volume of his universal history, printing a Tagalog Ave Maria from the 1593 Doctrina Christiana with a note that it was printed in Tagalog and roman characters by the Dominicans at Manila in 1593. In 1787 his Saggio pratico included the Tagalog Pater Noster, again from the 1593 Doctrina, proving a copy was known to him.
Chapter 4
Why does the author doubt Beristain's 1581 Manila printing of Quiñones' Arte y Vocabulario?
Beristain listed an Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala printed at Manila in 1581 but gave no specific authority. Tracing his cited sources—Grijalva, Antonio, San Agustin, Sicardo—reveals no precise notice of printing. The author agrees with Schilling that Herrera's Latin in lucem edidit likely meant 'published' as in manuscript circulated, not printed.
Chapter 4
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What evidence does Plasencia's 1585 letter give against printing by 1581?
Plasencia wrote to the King that he had composed a grammar and a declaration of the whole Doctrina in the common Philippine language, was making a dictionary, and asked that these be printed in Mexico at the Exchequer's expense. The chapter argues he would not have so written if an Arte y Vocabulario had already been printed four years earlier.
Chapter 5
Why did San Antonio say Plasencia's 1589 work on Indian customs was not printed?
San Antonio recorded that Plasencia wrote the book on the customs and rites of the Indians at the request of Governor Santiago de Vera, dated October 24, 1589, and said it was not printed "because printing houses had not yet come to this country." The chapter cites this as further evidence against printing as early as 1581.
Chapter 5
What did Medina list as the first two entries in his Philippine bibliography?
In La Imprenta en Manila (1896), Medina listed as number one the 1593 Doctrina in Spanish and Tagalog, and as number two the Doctrina in Spanish and Chinese of the same year. The chapter calls this a verdict that has stood the test of time, now confirmed by the discovery of the book itself.
Chapter 5
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How were the 1593 Doctrinas printed, according to Retana's conclusion?
Retana concluded the first book issued in the Philippines was a Doctrina printed from wood-blocks in 1593, not from movable type. The chapter says this xylographic method was deduced by Retana, who had never seen a copy, by resolving disagreements over what "printing" meant. He dismissed Beristain's sprite of 1581 for insufficient evidence.
Chapter 6
Who does the chapter credit with initiating typography in the Philippines?
The chapter states that the initiative for establishing typography is owed to P. Fr. Francisco Blancas de San José, and that the first typographer was the Chinese Christian Juan de Vera, who acted at the instigation of Father San José. The first typographical printing of this Dominican author is dated 1602.
Chapter 6
Who does the chapter say likely wrote the first Tagalog grammar?
The chapter doubts that Agustin de Alburquerque wrote linguistic works, since the claim dates only to the 19th century. Juan de Medina in 1630 said Juan de Quiñones made a grammar and lexicon of Tagalog, the first to start on its rules. In 1578 Augustinian acts show Alburquerque, as provincial, commissioned Quiñones to write a grammar, dictionary and confessionary in Tagalog.
Chapter 6
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What did the 1582 Synod decide about the language of instruction for natives?
The Synod called by Bishop Salazar discussed whether Indians should be ministered to in their native language or obliged to learn Spanish, and it decided to instruct them in their native tongue. It also approved Juan de Plasencia's Tagalog translation of the Doctrina Christiana and judged his Arte y Vocabulario Tagalo most useful.
Chapter 7
What is known with certainty about Quiñones's Tagalog works?
The chapter concludes it is certain Quiñones wrote in Tagalog, producing a grammar and dictionary about 1578-81, possibly the earliest written in the Philippines. Castro's claim that he presented these and a Doctrina at the 1582 Synod lacks earlier support. There is no concrete evidence any were printed, though manuscripts extant in 1593 might have been consulted for the present Doctrina.
Chapter 7
How did Juan de Plasencia acquire his knowledge of Tagalog?
Soon after arriving with the first Franciscans in 1577, Plasencia met Miguel de Talavera, who had come as a child on Legazpi's expedition. Plasencia taught Miguel Latin, and Miguel taught him the elements of Tagalog. Plasencia then ministered for two years in Tayabas, Laguna, and Bulacan, where he used and perfected his knowledge of the language.
Chapter 7
What did the 1580 chapter meeting assign to Plasencia?
At the chapter meeting in the Convent of Los Angeles in July 1580, presided over by Plasencia, it was determined that a grammar and dictionary of Tagalog be made and a translation of the Doctrina Christiana completed. Because Plasencia excelled all in the language, he was given the responsibility; he produced a grammar, catechism, full dictionary, and various translations.
Chapter 7
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Who helped Plasencia compose his Arte y Vocabulario, according to Martínez?
Martínez states that Miguel de Talavera was the first interpreter among the priests and greatly helped Fr. Juan de Plasencia in composing the Arte y Vocabulario. The chapter adds that Talavera's aid partly explains how Plasencia produced his Tagalog texts in so short a time with so few years in the country.
Chapter 8
How did Juan de Oliver continue Plasencia's linguistic work?
Oliver, who arrived with Bishop Salazar's expedition in 1581, mastered Tagalog and Bicol and wrote twenty-two works. Huerta records that he corrected Plasencia's Tagalog grammar, adding adverbs and particles, and perfected and augmented Plasencia's Spanish-Tagalog dictionary. He also wrote a Catecismo de doctrina Cristiana esplicado.
Chapter 8
Why does the chapter doubt Rojo's claim about a lost Plasencia Doctrina?
Rojo said he found a portion of Plasencia's Doctrina believed lost and quoted its Pater Noster. The chapter notes Rojo does not say where the manuscript was or how it was identified as Plasencia's, so the statement cannot be much relied on. The printed text, while similar to the present Doctrina, is not identical.
Chapter 8
What does the chapter suggest about early Tagalog grammars and dictionaries?
The chapter argues they need not each be completely original. Rather, they were based on a recognized model, first the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver text, with individual missionaries using field experience to produce new editions. Rojo supports this, saying Plasencia's grammar and dictionary, perfected by other missionaries, became the base for later Tagalog grammars and dictionaries.
Chapter 8
Section 94 cards
When did working Dominican missionaries arrive in the Philippines, and under whose leadership?
Fifteen working Dominican missionaries arrived on July 25, 1587, under the leadership of Juan de Castro. They established the first Dominican province of the Philippines and China, fulfilling a hope expressed as early as 1579. Earlier Dominicans, Bishop Salazar and Christoval de Salvatierra, had landed before them but were fully occupied with administering the bishopric and could not do regular missionary work.
Chapter 9
Which territories were the Dominicans assigned, and what did Aduarte stress about the mission there?
In consultation with the other orders, the Dominicans were given the ministry of Pangasinan and Bataan, which had been served by few priests. The vicariate of Bataan was founded and settled on September 15, 1587. Aduarte stressed the importance of knowing the natives' language, there Tagalog, to the mission's success. Domingo de Nieva learned it rapidly and preached in it, though as a deacon he could not hear confession until ordained in September 1588.
Chapter 9
Why did the Augustinians resent the Dominicans taking over ministry to the Chinese?
The Augustinians had a convent in Tondo in the Chinese district, where they ministered to natives in their own language but neglected their Chinese-speaking parishioners. After the Dominicans arrived, the Audiencia required the Bishop to appoint ministers to the Chinese in their own language within thirty days. The Augustinians studied Chinese hastily, but one failed to preach when tested. When the territory went to the Dominicans, the Augustinians accused the Bishop of favoritism toward his own order.
Chapter 9
What did Salazar report to the King about the state of the Sangleys before the Dominicans came?
In his June 24, 1590 report, Salazar said the Sangleys were almost forgotten and no thought was taken for their conversion, because no one knew their language or would learn it due to its difficulty, and the religious were too busy with the natives. Though the Augustinians had charge of the Tondo Sangleys, they instructed them in the native language, so Sangley Christians were Christians only in name. He credited the Dominicans' 1587 arrival.
Chapter 9
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How was San Gabriel chosen as the patron of the second Chinese mission?
The name was decided by drawing lots with names of various saints written on them. San Gabriel came out three times in a row, and all were persuaded that the Lord was pleased to have the patronage belong to this holy archangel. The second mission established by Benavides and Cobo was at first a palm-leaf hut.
Chapter 10
Why was the larger San Gabriel church built across the river instead of on the hut's site?
The inhabitants protested that a stone building so near native houses might do them great damage in the event of an earthquake. So the friars went to the other side of the river and built a temporary wooden building, later completed in stone. It was there, in the Church of San Gabriel near the Parián, that the Doctrina was printed.
Chapter 10
Who did Salazar say could write in Chinese characters, and what evidence supports this?
Salazar said only one of the two linguists could write Chinese, and named Fray Juan Cobo as knowing the Sangleys' language and writing. Aduarte adds that Cobo knew three thousand Chinese characters. The author argues the evidence points to Cobo as the only one then able to write Chinese characters, and notes a recorded Catecismo in Chinese by him.
Chapter 10
Why did the Dominicans choose Benavides and Castro for the 1590 China expedition?
They preferred Benavides because he was the first to learn the Sangleys' language, and Castro because the Sangleys much loved and esteemed him for his venerable gray locks and blessed old age, since old people are much respected in China. They sailed May 22, 1590. Before leaving, Castro appointed Cobo acting superior and sent Juan de San Pedro Martyr to head the Chinese mission.
Chapter 10
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Why does the chapter conclude Chinese books in Manila had to be printed from wood-blocks?
The chapter argues that at such an early date it would have been impossible to cast the number of characters needed to print Chinese with movable type. Since Nieva's works were in Chinese, they must therefore have been printed from wood-blocks, though Medina records them only as Manila imprints of unknown date.
Chapter 11
What happened to Juan Cobo after representing the Spaniards before the Emperor of Japan?
Cobo, chosen as the best speaker of Chinese, left Manila on July 29, 1592, and convinced the Japanese Emperor of the Spaniards' amity. On his return voyage his ship was wrecked in November on the coast of Formosa, where he was killed by hostile natives.
Chapter 11
What linguistic skills did Nieva and San Pedro Martyr have, and why did that matter for the Doctrinas?
Both were at San Gabriel in 1592 and both knew Chinese and Tagalog. The chapter argues they edited the Tagalog text based on the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver model and could prepare Cobo's Chinese text for publication, possibly aided by Almerique and others.
Chapter 11
What evidence does the chapter cite that Chinese xylographic models were available in Manila?
Mendoza records that Martin de Rada brought a considerable number of Chinese books to Manila as early as 1575. The chapter also suggests a likelier model: a bilingual Spanish-Chinese text printed in China in 1584, which Cobo described in his letter of July 13, 1589.
Chapter 11
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Who supervised the printing of the two 1593 Doctrinas, and by what method were they printed?
Both Doctrinas of the first half of 1593 were printed xylographically, under the supervision of Domingo de Nieva and Juan de San Pedro Martyr. One was in Tagalog from the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver text; the other was in Chinese, written by Juan Cobo. The chapter states there is no way to tell which came first.
Chapter 12
What does Aduarte's account say about Juan de Vera's motives for establishing printing?
Aduarte describes Juan de Vera as a devout Chinese Christian in Binondo who undertook printing not from avarice, since he earned more as a merchant and readily gave up that profit, but to serve the Lord and benefit the souls of the natives. Aduarte says Vera was the first printer in the islands.
Chapter 12
What did the 1604 discovery of the Ordinationes Generales reveal about Juan de Vera's printing?
The Ordinationes Generales prouintiae Sanctissimi Rosarij Philippinarum, printed at Binondo by Juan de Vera in 1604, was newly discovered and presented by Mr. Rosenwald to the Library of Congress. Remesal described it as printed in characters as fine and correct as if in Rome or Lyon. Its discovery helps close the gap between the Doctrina and the two 1610 Bataan imprints.
Chapter 12
What unresolved questions does the chapter raise about early Philippine type and printing locations?
The chapter asks where the type came from: Medina suggested importation from Macao, while Retana believed it was cut in the Philippines. It also notes that Fernández placed Blancas de San José's first works at Bataan, and the two 1610 books bear that place, yet the 1604 Ordinationes issued from Binondo. The author calls these problems outside the scope of the study.
Chapter 12
Section 134 cards
What is the full title and publication details of the 1593 Doctrina Christiana as given on its title page?
The title page reads "Doctrina Christiana, en lengua española ytagala, corregida por los Religiosos de las ordenes," printed with license in S. Gabriel de la orden de S. Domingo, Manila, 1593. It is priced at two reales, signed by Juan de Cuellar. The text is in both Spanish and Tagalog.
Chapter 13
Who printed the 1947 facsimile of the Doctrina Christiana, in what edition, and who published it?
The facsimile was printed by Edward Stern & Company, Inc., Philadelphia, in an edition of twenty-five hundred copies, and published by the Library of Congress in February 1947. The title page and headings use Forum type, while the text uses Italian Old Style.
Chapter 13
How does the chapter present the Tagalog alphabet and the Lord's Prayer in Tagalog?
The chapter gives "El abc. en legua tagala" as A O E HA PA KA SA LA TA NA BA MA GA DA YA NGA WA. It then presents the Paternoster in Spanish alongside a Tagalog version beginning "Ang ama namin," followed by a syllabary rendering of the Tagalog prayer in separated syllables.
Chapter 13
Which prayers does the chapter include in both Spanish and Tagalog, and what follows each Tagalog version?
The chapter includes the Paternoster ("Padre nuestro") and the Ave Maria ("Dios te salue Maria"), each with a Tagalog translation ("Ang ama namin" and "Ang aba guinoo Maria"). After each Tagalog prayer comes a syllabary version splitting the words into syllables. The Credo appears only in Spanish romance.
Chapter 13
Section 143 cards
How many articles of faith does the chapter say there are, and how are they divided?
The chapter states there are fourteen articles of faith. Seven pertain to the divinity of God and seven to the humanity of our Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man. The seven of divinity cover belief in one almighty God, God the Father, God the Son, God the Holy Spirit, Creator, Savior, and Glorifier.
Chapter 14
According to the articles on Christ's humanity, what happened between his death and resurrection?
The fourth article of the humanity states that Christ descended into hell and drew out the souls of the holy fathers who were there awaiting his holy advent. The fifth article states that he rose again on the third day. The chapter presents these as articles of faith to be believed.
Chapter 14
What does the seventh article of the humanity say about Christ's final judgment?
It says Christ will come to judge the living and the dead. The good will be given the glory of heaven because they kept his commandments; the wicked will be punished in hell because they did not keep them. The chapter closes this section with 'Amen.'
Chapter 14
Section 154 cards
How do the Ten Commandments divide between God and neighbor?
The chapter states the Ten Commandments of God's law are ten: three pertain to the honor of God and the other seven to the profit of one's neighbor. It then lists all ten, from loving God above all things to not coveting others' goods, and says they are enclosed in two: love God above all, and love your neighbor as yourself.
Chapter 15
What does the chapter give as the two commandments summarizing the ten?
The chapter says these ten commandments are enclosed in two: you shall love God above all things, and your neighbor as yourself. This summary appears in the Spanish and Tagalog texts, and the Tagalog version closes with "Amen. Jesus." The same twofold summary follows the numbered list of all ten commandments.
Chapter 15
What are the five commandments of Holy Mother Church?
The chapter lists five: hear complete Mass on Sundays and holy days of obligation; confess at least once a year; receive Communion of necessity at Easter (Pascua Florida); fast when Holy Mother Church commands; and pay tithes and first fruits. These are presented separately from the Ten Commandments of God's law.
Chapter 15
How does the Tagalog text render the commandments against killing and adultery?
In the Tagalog list, the fifth commandment reads "houag mõg patayin ãg capoua mo tauo" (do not kill your fellow man), and the sixth reads "houag cãg maquiapir sa di mo asaua" (do not commit adultery with one who is not your spouse). The ninth repeats the prohibition against desiring another's spouse.
Chapter 15
Section 164 cards
According to the chapter, how many sacraments are there and what are they?
The chapter states there are seven sacraments of Holy Mother Church: baptism, confirmation, penance, communion, extreme unction, ordination, and matrimony. The Tagalog list names baptism, confirmation, confession, communion, extreme unction, the order of the priesthood, and marriage. The text adds that the last two were established by God so people may choose their state of life.
Chapter 16
What are the seven deadly (mortal) sins listed in the chapter?
The chapter lists seven mortal sins: pride, avarice, lust, anger, gluttony, envy, and sloth. The Tagalog names them as capalaloan (pride), caramotan (avarice), calibogan (lust), cagalitan (anger), caiamoan in eating and drinking (gluttony), capanaghilian (envy), and catamaran (sloth). It calls them the root sins that ruin the soul.
Chapter 16
What are the seven corporal works of mercy in the chapter?
The chapter lists seven corporal works of mercy: visit the sick, feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, ransom the captive, clothe the naked, shelter pilgrims, and bury the dead. It says every Christian is obliged to fulfill fourteen works of mercy total, seven spiritual and seven corporal.
Chapter 16
What are the seven spiritual works of mercy listed?
The chapter lists seven spiritual works of mercy: teach the ignorant, counsel the doubtful, correct the sinner, forgive those who wrong you, patiently bear injuries from your neighbor, comfort the sad and desolate, and pray for the living and the dead. Together with the seven corporal works, they make fourteen works every Christian should fulfill.
Chapter 16
Section 174 cards
According to the catechism, what is a Christian?
A baptized man who believes what God and the holy Church our mother teach. The text also names the holy cross as the sign of the Christian, and says Christians adore our Lord God.
Chapter 17
How does the catechism explain the three persons and one God?
It asks whether there are perhaps three Gods and answers no: the persons are three and there is only one God. The first person is God the Father, the second God the Son, and the third God the Holy Spirit.
Chapter 17
Which person became man, and how and why?
The second person, the Son, became man by the work of the Holy Spirit in the womb of the virgin Saint Mary, before and after birth. He became man so he could die as ransom for the sins of all men.
Chapter 17
What happens to the soul when a man dies?
The soul does not die with the body as in other animals; only the body dies and the soul lives forever. At the end, body and soul will be reunited to be judged by Christ our Lord.
Chapter 17
Section 184 cards
According to the catechism, how many persons are in God, and is God three?
The text answers that there are three persons but only one God: the persons are three, yet God is one. It names them as God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit. Asked directly whether God is three, the answer is no — the persons are three, but God is one only.
Chapter 18
Which person of the Trinity became man, and how was he conceived?
The second person of the most holy Trinity, God the Son, became man. He was conceived by the Holy Spirit in the womb of Saint Mary the Virgin, truly before she gave birth, and truly a virgin after giving birth. The text gives the reason: so that he might die to redeem all people.
Chapter 18
What happens to the soul when the body dies, and will the dead rise again?
The soul does not die when the body dies, unlike animals; only the body dies, while the soul lives on forever. All the dead will rise again, both the good and the wicked, and the soul will be reunited with the body for judgment by Jesus Christ. Once risen, the body will not die again.
Chapter 18
What does the catechism say is present at the Mass during the host and the chalice?
When the priest lifts the host at Mass, the true God and true man Jesus Christ is present, as he is in heaven. In the chalice is the true blood of Jesus Christ, like that which was shed on the cross when he died. The text also says Christians reach heaven by keeping God's commandments and those of Holy Church.
Chapter 18
Section 192 cards
What recurring phrase about 'DI YO' and heaven appears throughout the section?
The text repeatedly contrasts 'DI YO' with 'SA LA NGI' (heaven) and 'SA LU PA' (earth), as in lines stating that something is not in heaven but on earth. These paired phrases recur across the section, framing a contrast between heavenly and earthly states in the doctrinal discussion.
Chapter 19
What does the section repeatedly say about 'KA SA LA NA' (sin)?
The text repeatedly uses the word 'KA SA LA NA,' meaning sin, in phrases describing people who have or lack it, and connects it to 'DI YO' and 'SA LA NGI.' The recurring pattern suggests a doctrinal discussion of sin and its consequences, presented in Tagalog without explanatory gloss in this chapter.
Chapter 19
Section 204 cards
What does Blake say about Tagalog's language family and where it is spoken?
Blake defines Tagálog as the principal language of Luzon, spoken in Manila and the middle region of Luzon. He states it belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian family of speech, which includes idioms of Polynesia, Melanesia, Malaysia, the Malay peninsula, and Madagascar. The notes also say Tagalog characters resembled old Javanese and were replaced under Spanish occupation by roman letters.
Chapter 20
What does the note say about the woodcut of St. Dominic?
The woodcut shows St. Dominic beneath a star, holding a lily and a book—the usual symbols of the saint—and wearing his order's white habit and black cloak. The note says it seems to be of oriental workmanship, differing vastly from contemporary Spanish and Mexican cuts of the same type. The clouds are characteristically Chinese, and the background buildings recall eastern temples more than European churches.
Chapter 20
How did the letter about the first press reach print, and who was Dasmariñas?
A contemporary copy of the letter, the original being unknown, lay unnoticed in the Archives of the Indies until Pascual de Gayangos discovered it and called it to W.E. Retana's attention, who first printed it in 1894; Medina later rediscovered it independently. Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, formerly corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena, was appointed governor of the Philippines in 1589, landed at Manila in May 1590, and held office until his death in October 1593.
Chapter 20
What happened to Cuellar on Dasmariñas's 1593 expedition, according to Morga?
Morga reports that Cuellar was one of two survivors of the ship on which Dasmariñas sailed in October 1593 to conquer the fort of Terrenate in Maluco. Weather-bound at Punta del Acufre, the Chinese rowers mutinied, and only Cuellar, the governor's secretary, and the Franciscan Francisco de Montilla survived the massacre. They were set ashore on the Ylocos coast and returned to Manila. The notes say no later record of Cuellar was found.
Chapter 20
Section 214 cards
What does note 21 trace about Blancas de San José's career?
Artigas traces Blancas de San José's career through the Acta Capitulorum Provincialium: at Abucay from May 24, 1598 to April 27, 1602; at San Gabriel in Binondo until May 4, 1604; Preacher-General at Santo Domingo in Manila 1604–1608; back at Abucay until May 8, 1610; and at San Gabriel again until May 4, 1614.
Chapter 21
Which Philippine imprints before 1613 were in the United States, per note 22?
The editor says that, so far as he could find, only three Philippine imprints before 1613 were in the United States: the 1610 volume (Medina no. 8), the unique copy of the recently discovered Ordinationes of 1604, and the present Doctrina. Both the 1610 book and the Ordinationes are in the Library of Congress and are entirely typographical.
Chapter 21
Why does the editor doubt Schilling's claim about Hervas and the 1593 Doctrina?
Schilling says Hervas had a copy of the 1593 Doctrina lent or given by Bernardo de la Fuente. The editor notes Hervas himself only says he took information from the best documents showing the grammar, and that Tornos and de la Fuente gave him Tagalog and Visayan dictionaries. Still, the editor concludes Hervas certainly had a copy or accurate transcripts.
Chapter 21
What does note 40 suggest about the printing prohibition in the Recopilación?
Medina prints a law of the same content and date as the cedula, cited as Law 3, Title XXIV, Book 1 of the Recopilación, with the added phrase 'it shall not be published, or printed, or used.' The editor suggests that if this phrase was added when printed for all the Indies, it shows the King felt an admonition against printing unnecessary where no printing facilities existed.
Chapter 21
Section 224 cards
What does Chirino claim about Rada's language work in the Philippines?
Chirino writes that Rada was "the first who made converts to Christianity in the Philippines, preaching to them of Jesus Christ in their own tongue," and that Rada made the first vocabulary, which Chirino says he saw and studied. Juan de Medina separately reports seeing a lexicon compiled by Rada at Cebú in 1612.
Chapter 22
What evidence shows an Augustinian knew Chinese by 1574?
A letter from Governor Lavezaris to the King, dated July 30, 1574, sent a map of China with an explanation made by Chinese interpreters "through the aid of an Augustinian religious who is acquainted with the elements of the Chinese language." The author suggests this Augustinian was probably Rada.
Chapter 22
What does Santiago Vela say about Cano's claim regarding early Philippine printing?
Santiago Vela expresses the opinion that Cano's statement was an overenthusiasm and is not valid. The chapter presents this as Santiago Vela's judgment rather than settled fact, showing how contested the early history of the Philippine press remains.
Chapter 22
What does Barrantes claim about Alburquerque's Tagalog grammar, and how is it qualified?
Pérez quotes Barrantes saying that "according to the Augustinian writers" Alburquerque compiled an Arte de la Lengua Tagala between 1570 and 1580, with the manuscript lost when the English sacked Manila in 1762. The author stresses that no contemporary historian discovered so far has made such a statement.
Chapter 22
Section 234 cards
What does Schilling argue about the supposed 1581 Synod in Manila?
Schilling maintains that early writers were mistaken in believing the Synod was held in 1581. On October 16, 1581, Bishop Salazar instead called a meeting of ten priests at the Convent of Tondo to discuss executing the decree about slaves; no laymen were present and no other topic was discussed. A real Synod, including lay government officials, followed the next year.
Chapter 23
How did the 1581 Tondo meeting differ from the Synod held the following year?
The October 16, 1581 meeting at the Convent of Tondo involved ten priests only, with no laymen present, and discussed solely the execution of the decree about slaves; its decisions were sent in Salazar's letter to the King dated October 17, 1581. The following year a real Synod was held, including lay government officials as well as priests, and it discussed a variety of subjects.
Chapter 23
What did Chirino and San Antonio each claim about early Tagalog language works?
Chirino implied Quiñones and Plasencia wrote at about the same time, naming Rada for Visayan and Quiñones for Tagalog, with Oliver and Plasencia writing contemporaneously. San Antonio, perhaps biased toward his own order, wrote that although Augustinians came earlier and had fluent priests, the language had not yet been reduced to a grammar or general vocabulary; each had only his own notes.
Chapter 23
What does San Antonio say about Plasencia's and Oliver's catechetical works?
San Antonio says Plasencia was the first to write a catechism, called in Tagalog "Tocsohan," and that Oliver was the first to translate the explanation of the Doctrina. Oliver died in 1599. Totanes, in his Tagalog grammar, says Oliver's province reveres him as the first master of the idiom.
Chapter 23
Section 244 cards
Who opposed the Dominican mission to the Philippines at the Spanish court?
The Jesuit Alonso Sanchez, sent to Spain to explain the Philippine situation, told the King and Council of the Indies that more priests were not needed and especially that no new order was required there—subverting his own mission. Chrisóstomo was discouraged, but Juan de Castro revived the scheme and secured Philip II's letter of September 20, 1585 endorsing the plan.
Chapter 24
What happened to the twenty friars who subscribed at Mexico in 1586?
Twenty friars subscribed to ordinances at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Mexico on December 17, 1586. Of these, fifteen went to the Philippines, three went directly to China, and two stayed behind in Mexico: Juan Chrisóstomo, who was ill and weak, and Juan Cobo, who had business there.
Chapter 24
Why was Juan Cobo banished from Mexico, and whom did he bring?
Cobo had stayed in Mexico on business and was so moved by the scandals of the government there that he preached publicly against them, as a result of which the Viceroy banished him. He brought with him from Mexico a fellow-reformer and exile, Luis Gandullo, and four other recruits for the Philippine mission.
Chapter 24
What does the chapter say about the origin and meaning of the term 'Sangley'?
The chapter states that Sangley, used by the natives to designate Chinese, derived from the Cantonese hiang (or xiang) and ley, meaning 'travelling merchant.' The Spaniards adopted it and mostly used it interchangeably with 'Chinese.' Any distinction was that a Sangley was a permanent resident of the Philippines—contrary to the word's derivation—or a Chinese of partially native blood.
Chapter 24
Section 253 cards
Why was the name Juan de Vera likely common in early Manila?
The chapter suggests the name was probably common because natives and Chinese assumed any Spanish name they pleased at baptism, and Governor Santiago de Vera (1584–1590) made his surname popular. Aduarte mentions an Indian chief, Don Juan de Vera, and Retana quotes documents naming Juan de Veras as official interpreter in 1598 and 1613.
Chapter 25
What does the title page of the 1604 Ordinationes Generales show?
The title page reads Ordinationes Generales prouinciæ Sanctissimi Rosarij Philippinarum, made by Fray Juan de Castro, first vicar general of the province, with the counsel and unanimous consent of the first friars who came to evangelize. It states the ordinances were accepted in all chapter meetings and to be observed inviolably. It was printed at Binondoc by Juan de Vera, Chinese Christian, with license, 1604.
Chapter 25
How is the 1604 volume physically described?
The chapter describes the volume as an octavo bound in maroon levant morocco by Sangorski and Sutcliffe, consisting of eight leaves. These comprise the title page, a verso permission signed at Manila on June 24, 1604 by Fr. Miguel Martin de San Jacinto, prior provincial of the Dominican Province of the Philippines, eleven pages of Latin ordinances with the Dominican device on the last verso, and a blank.
Chapter 25
Source and licence
Text used: Project Gutenberg eBook #16119 (Public domain in the United States). Generated from the full text; cards paraphrase the source.
Version: Public domain edition. Retrieved 2026-10-29. Cards reviewed 2026-10-29.
These cards paraphrase the text for study. They are not a substitute for reading the book, and they do not reproduce long passages.
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