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Famous Sea Fights, from Salamis to Tsu-Shima Flashcards

A. Hilliard Atteridge argues that command of the sea has repeatedly decided the outcome of wars, tracing that claim through major naval battles from Salamis to Tsushima. The deck covers his account of the battles, the commanders and tactics involved, and the arguments he draws from them.

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Chapter 1 · Question

What does Bacon's 1625 essay claim about command of the sea?

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Introduction3 cards
  1. What does Bacon's 1625 essay claim about command of the sea?

    The author quotes Bacon arguing that mastery of the sea is "an Abridgement of Monarchy," citing Actium as deciding the empire of the world and Lepanto as arresting the greatness of the Turk. Bacon holds that whoever commands the sea has great liberty to take as much or as little of war as he will, while the strongest by land are often in great straits.

    Chapter 1

  2. Which non-British triumphs does the author say he will include, and why?

    The author says he will tell of British triumphs from Sluys to Trafalgar but will also take instances from other countries' histories, because it is well to remember that the skill, enterprise, and courage of admirals and seamen is no exclusive possession of the British people. He also promises to describe the evolution of the warship from oar-driven galleys to steel steam-propelled giants.

    Chapter 1

  3. What practical purpose does the author hope these sea stories serve?

    The author trusts the stories will offer not only the interest belonging to records of courage, danger, and adventure but also practical lessons, since they may help keep alive an intelligent popular interest in sea power. He argues that this interest is the best guarantee that the interests of the navy, which he calls the best safeguard of the Empire, will not be neglected whatever government or political views prevail.

    Chapter 1

CHAPTER I (part 1)3 cards
  1. What did Themistocles persuade the Athenians to do with the Laurium silver?

    Themistocles persuaded his fellow-countrymen to spend the silver-mine revenue on building and equipping a fleet rather than distributing it among citizens. He argued the Persian King would likely try to avenge Marathon and that a fleet was needed to protect Athens' growing commerce. This fleet later let Themistocles and Athens play a decisive role against Persia.

    Chapter 2

  2. What happened to the Athenians who refused to abandon the Acropolis?

    A handful of desperate men refused to leave, took refuge on the Acropolis, and literally interpreted the oracle by building wooden barriers before the citadel gates with axe and hammer. They made only brief resistance against overwhelming Persian numbers and were all put to the sword. The Athenians on Salamis saw the smoke of their sacked, burning city.

    Chapter 2

  3. What happened to the Persian fleet at Cape Sepias?

    The Persian fleet of 1200 great ships anchored in eight long lines off Cape Sepias. At sunrise a sudden easterly gale struck—the kind still feared by small craft in the Archipelago. The old-world seamen, dreading the open sea, tried to ride it out, but anchors dragged and hundreds of ships were piled in shattered masses on the shore, though some could later be repaired and refloated.

    Chapter 2

CHAPTER I (part 2)4 cards
  1. Who commanded the Greek fleet at Salamis, and why was he chosen?

    Eurybiades, a Spartan veteran general, held the chief command because the military reputation of Sparta secured it for him, even though Sparta and her allies supplied less than a third of the fleet. The Athenians, whose well-equipped ships made up half the armada, were commanded by Themistocles. The author notes this reflected the old division between the fighting commander and the sailing-master.

    Chapter 3

  2. Why did Themistocles favor fighting in the narrow straits at Salamis?

    Themistocles argued the narrow waters would nullify the Persian advantage in numbers. Greek ships formed in lines from shore to shore could only be attacked by equal numbers, so only leading ships would engage. Rearward ships pressing forward would cause confusion, entangled oars, and injured rowers. He also shrank from abandoning the refugees on Salamis. The author argues better discipline and fighting power favored the Greeks there.

    Chapter 3

  3. What did Artemisia advise Xerxes, and what happened to her advice?

    Herodotus tells of a Persian council of war where Artemisia, the fighting queen of Halicarnassus, alone advised delay. She urged Xerxes to winter in Attica, letting the Greek armament break up through jealousies and quarrels, then prepare for the Peloponnesus in spring. Xerxes preferred the satraps' flattery that he need only stretch out his hands to destroy the Greek fleet.

    Chapter 3

  4. How did the Greeks learn the Persians had decided to attack at Salamis?

    Aristides, son of Lysimachus, who had been unjustly exiled from Athens years before, ran the Persian blockade in a ship of Aegina and came to join his fellow-citizens. He brought news that the Persians had decided to attack. Until then Themistocles despaired of keeping the fleet at Salamis; with this news all agreed the fate of Greece would be decided there.

    Chapter 3

CHAPTER I (part 3)3 cards
  1. What did Xerxes order done to the crews of two Persian ships that ran aground?

    Xerxes ordered the troops on the beach to behead every officer and man of the two crews that drove ashore at the base of Mount AEgaleos while fleeing the Greeks. The sentence was executed at once. The chapter presents this as part of the battle's closing horrors, alongside the Greeks slaying fugitives and the massacre of Psytalia's garrison.

    Chapter 4

  2. What plan did Xerxes' council of war decide on after the defeat at Salamis?

    The council decided not to renew the attack. Artemisia was to carry Prince Artaxerxes back to Asia; Xerxes would lead the main army to the Hellespont, since wintering in Greece meant famine; the fleet would guard the bridge and convoys. Mardonius was to hold northern Greece with 300,000 picked men and attempt the Peloponnesus next year.

    Chapter 4

  3. How was the remnant of the Persian fleet destroyed at Mycale?

    The Persian admiral beached his ships under Mycale to clean them and ringed them with a stockade. The Greek fleet of 100 triremes landed about 20,000 men, rowers included, stormed the stockade, and set the dry, tar-seamed ships ablaze. The chapter calls this the full fruits of Salamis being garnered.

    Chapter 4

CHAPTER II4 cards
  1. What did the Battle of Actium decide for the Roman world?

    The author argues Actium was one of the decisive battles of the world: it fixed the destinies of the Roman Empire, made Octavian dictator, and let him keep Republican forms while inaugurating absolute imperial rule as Augustus. It ended the civil wars following Julius Caesar's murder and settled whether Octavian or Antony would rule Rome.

    Chapter 5

  2. What larger question did the civil war between Octavian and Antony decide?

    The author states the issue was not merely whether Octavian or Antony would rule the Roman world, but whether Eastern or Western influences would predominate in shaping its destinies. Antony's ties to Cleopatra, his Osiris insignia, and talk of making Alexandria the Empire's centre confirmed Roman fears and strengthened loyalty to Octavian.

    Chapter 5

  3. Why did Antony's fleet fail to challenge Agrippa at sea?

    The author argues Antony, once energetic, had grown indolent and irresolute through idling with Cleopatra and his semi-Oriental court. Though nominally stronger, he left the initiative to his opponent, kept his fleet passive in the Ambracian Gulf, and allowed Agrippa to seize Methone, raid Egyptian supply ships, and blockade the gulf.

    Chapter 5

  4. What did Canidius propose and what did Antony decide?

    Canidius, commanding the army, distrusted the fleet and proposed abandoning it, marching east into Macedonia, and awaiting Octavian in an unexhausted country. Antony, influenced by Cleopatra, refused to desert the fleet, the one hope of reaching Egypt, and decided to embark all the treasure and try to break through the blockade.

    Chapter 5

CHAPTER III4 cards
  1. What was the Viking warship like, according to the excavated Sandefjord ship?

    The ship dug from the Sandefjord grave, seventy-seven feet long with a seventeen-foot beam and just under six feet deep, drew only about four feet of water. She had one forty-foot mast for a square sail and thirty-two oars, sixteen a side. The author notes her lines are those of a good sea boat, and that Northmen sailed such ships to the Faroes, Iceland, Greenland, and Vineland.

    Chapter 6

  2. How did Olaf Tryggveson become King of Norway in 995?

    Olaf, a descendant of Harold Haarfager born to a fugitive mother and once sold into slavery in Russia, took to sea-roving and raided Britain and the Continent. While staying with the Dublin Danes he heard Norway's chiefs were divided and the people would welcome him as king. Helped by the Danes of Ireland, he sailed home, won the crown, and was recognized at Trondhjem in 995.

    Chapter 6

  3. How did Olaf Tryggveson pursue the conversion of Norway to Christianity?

    The author describes Olaf using both persuasion and force. Sometimes he argued, exhorted, and appealed to reason and goodwill; often his old Viking spirit mastered him and he hacked down the emblems and altars of Thor and Odin with his battle-axe, challenging the old gods to avenge the insult. Many became real converts, the author says, and still more accepted external conformity.

    Chapter 6

  4. What was the Long Serpent and how did it compare with Olaf's other ships?

    Built by Thorberg Haarklover, the Long Serpent was 150 feet long, with a steel cut-water, a dragon's head bow and tail stern covered in gold scales, sixty oars, and a crew of six hundred picked men. Olaf wanted a ship longer than Raud's Serpent and swifter than his own Crane, and the author calls it a Dreadnought of the Viking days.

    Chapter 6

CHAPTER IV4 cards
  1. What did English control of Dover and Calais after Sluys allow them to do?

    The chapter states that holding both Dover and Calais made the English masters of the narrow sea-gate through which all trade between northern Europe and the rest of the world had to pass for two centuries. This let them pressure the Hanseatic cities, Low Countries traders, and merchants of Spain, Genoa, and Venice, supporting the claim that the King of England was Sovereign of the Seas.

    Chapter 7

  2. What three sources supplied ships for an English king's war fleet?

    The chapter lists three sources: the King's own small number of ships, which he hired out in peace and recalled for war; impressed merchantmen from London and other maritime towns, with the feudal levy providing fighting men; and the Cinque Ports, really seven towns, bound by charter to supply fifty-seven ships and twelve hundred men and boys for fifteen days at their own expense.

    Chapter 7

  3. Why did Barbavera's advice to fight at sea go unheeded at Sluys?

    Barbavera, the Genoese veteran commanding the hired Genoese ships, urged the French commanders Kiriet and Bahuchet to weigh anchor and fight the English in the open sea, where their numbers and weight would give an advantage lost in the narrow waters of the Eede. The chapter says the French commanders, after prolonged inactivity, were wanting in enterprise and prepared to fight on the defensive.

    Chapter 7

  4. Why was keeping a medieval fleet at sea so difficult?

    The chapter explains that small ships crowded with fighting men had no room for large stores of provisions and water. Once the scanty supply ran out, unless near a friendly port, the fleet needed accompanying storeships, which were the smaller, inferior, less seaworthy vessels since the best merchantmen were impressed for fighting. The fleet then had to guard its convoy as much as fight, so usually only a short voyage and a single stroke were possible.

    Chapter 7

CHAPTER V (part 1)4 cards
  1. What was the main obstacle to Pius V forming a league against the Turks?

    The author argues the chief obstacle was the neutrality of Venice, which had long preferred peace with the Sultans to keep its Eastern trade monopoly. Genoa shared this stance, and France was often the Turk's ally due to rivalry with the House of Austria. Only when the Turks demanded Cyprus did Venice turn to the Pope, enabling the Holy League.

    Chapter 8

  2. What terms did Mustapha Pasha agree to at Famagusta, and how did he keep them?

    Mustapha agreed the garrison would march out with the honours of war, be transported under flag of truce to Crete and set at liberty, and that the people of Famagusta would be protected with free exercise of religion. He broke every term: the soldiers were bound, robbed, and chained to Turkish oars as slaves, and Bragadino's officers were beheaded.

    Chapter 8

  3. Why did the Christian fleet fail to relieve Nicosia in 1571?

    The fleet at Suda Bay was controlled by a committee of squadron chiefs rather than one commander, producing endless councils of war and irresolution. In early September the garrison's vigorous defence had drawn thousands of Turkish fighting-men from the fleet into the trenches, so a bold relief attempt might have raised the siege. The opportunity was missed.

    Chapter 8

  4. What was notable about the Holy League's planned fleet composition?

    The treaty proposed three hundred ships: two hundred galleys and a hundred navi, full-rigged sailing-ships. The author notes this was the first time the sailing-ship was given so important a place in Mediterranean naval projects, showing the change rapidly coming into naval methods. The allies were also to raise 50,000 fighting-men, including 500 gunners.

    Chapter 8

CHAPTER V (part 2)4 cards
  1. What strategic opportunity did Ulugh Ali miss while cruising off Epirus in 1571?

    The author argues that Ulugh Ali, still a pirate at heart, could have changed history by using his central position to cut off the Venetian contingents—the Cretan squadron passing to the south and the Corfu contingent passing through narrow seas—before they could join the League. Instead he raided coasts for plunder and prisoners, some chained as rowers.

    Chapter 9

  2. Why did Veniero sail to Messina instead of defending Corfu and the mainland?

    Veniero steeled himself against pleas to rescue the mainland population, since he could not save them and dared not destroy his fleet in a hopeless effort. He risked even Corfu, acting on the principle that in war all minor objects must be sacrificed to the chief end of the campaign. His action was soon justified when Ulugh Ali withdrew.

    Chapter 9

  3. What was a galleass and how did it differ from a galley?

    The galleass was a heavy three-masted ship with rounded bows and tumble-home sides, carrying about thirty guns on forecastle, poop, and broadsides, with arquebusiers to repel boarders. It had a rowers' deck with twelve or fifteen huge oars per side to keep up with galleys. It was roomier and more seaworthy but slower under both sail and oar—a compromise.

    Chapter 9

  4. How did Don Juan organize the allied fleet into five squadrons?

    To fuse the triple fleet and avoid international jealousy, Don Juan mixed ships from the papal, Venetian, and Spanish fleets into five squadrons: vanguard under Cardona, left wing under Barbarigo, centre under Don Juan, right wing under Doria, and reserve under Santa Cruz—202 galleys plus 76 sailing ships, 278 in all. Each division flew distinguishing pennons.

    Chapter 9

CHAPTER V (part 3)4 cards
  1. How did Ali Pasha's fleet treat its galley-slaves compared to the Christian fleet?

    Ali Pasha's galley-slaves were worked to the utmost and replaced by new captures when they broke down, since their masters considered this more economic than sparing them. Death was the penalty for insubordination, and the whip kept them at work. The allied fleet's oarsmen had a hard lot too, but less severe, because a considerable proportion were hired men, though there was also a servile element of prisoners and convicts.

    Chapter 10

  2. What incentives did Don Juan offer his convict galley-slaves before battle?

    The convict galley-slaves of Don Juan's fleet were encouraged by the prospect of winning either complete pardon or a remission of part of their sentences if there was a victory. To enable them to co-operate in winning it, they were told they would be freed from their chains and armed when the day of battle came.

    Chapter 10

  3. Why did Pertev Pasha and several admirals oppose Ali's decision to fight?

    Pertev Pasha and several admirals urged Ali either to remain at Lepanto, or run out of the gulf round the Morea and wait in the eastern seas for next year's campaign. Their reason was that many of the fighting-men were new levies unused to the sea. Ali's self-confidence made him reject this prudent counsel.

    Chapter 10

  4. What advantages did Don Juan's fleet have over the Turkish fleet in arms and ship protection?

    Among the small arms of the Turkish fleet there were more bows and arrows than muskets, while Don Juan had a considerable number of arquebusiers. Even the largest Turkish galleys had only low bulwarks, but the allied galleys had pavesades, large bucklers and shields fitted along the bulwarks when clearing for action, and permanent cross barriers to prevent a raking fire fore and aft.

    Chapter 10

CHAPTER V (part 4)4 cards
  1. What event turned the tide in the center at Lepanto?

    Colonna's flagship rammed the stern of Ali Pasha's galley after Colonna had boarded and stormed the Bey of Negropont's galley. This diversion saved Don Juan's "Reale." Spanish infantry under Vasquez Coronada and Gil d'Andrada then poured into Ali's ship and cleared her decks; none of her four hundred fighting-men survived, and Ali himself was among the last to fall.

    Chapter 11

  2. Why did Doria steer away from the line instead of engaging?

    Doria explained he saw Ulugh Ali working out to seaward rather than forming on Ali Pasha's flank, and believed the Algerine meant to envelop the allied line and crush the extreme right with local superiority. So Doria steered a parallel course, hoping to close ship to ship. The chapter notes that had he turned back toward the center, he could have forced Ulugh Ali to close or left him free to envelop the Turkish left.

    Chapter 11

  3. How did Ulugh Ali defeat the Knights of Malta's flagship?

    Seven Turkish vessels attacked the flagship of the Knights of Malta, the furthest-out galley on Don Juan's right flank. The Algerines, who hated the Knights fiercely, did not close until they had overwhelmed the defenders with close-range fire of bullets and arrows. Then they boarded and killed nearly all. Commander Giustiniani, wounded by five arrows, and a Sicilian and a Spanish knight survived only because they were left for dead.

    Chapter 11

  4. What were the casualties and captures at Lepanto?

    The allies lost about 7,500 killed or drowned, two-thirds fighting-men and the rest rowers. Muslim losses were heavier: estimates range from 20,000 to 30,000 dead. Fifteen Turkish galleys were sunk or burned and 190 ships were taken as prizes. Ali Pasha and most of his captains were killed. The victors also freed 12,000 Christian slaves from the captured galleys.

    Chapter 11

CHAPTER VI (part 1)4 cards
  1. What did the Spaniards actually call their fleet, and what does 'armada' mean?

    The Spaniards never called it the 'Invincible Armada'; contemporary histories and Spanish official documents call it the 'Gran Armada,' meaning 'the great armed force.' The author notes that 'armada' does not necessarily mean a fleet—it is an armed force, an army either marching on land or embarked at sea, including both fleet and fighting-men.

    Chapter 12

  2. According to Professor Laughton, what were the two real causes of the war?

    The author quotes Professor Laughton, who rejects the view of the war as a religious crusade. The two 'wholly mundane' causes were: (1) Drake's and Hawkins's armed expeditions breaking the Spanish trade monopoly in the West Indies, including capturing ships and sacking trading posts; and (2) English support for the King's rebellious subjects in the Low Countries. The author argues the conflict arose largely from trade rivalry.

    Chapter 12

  3. What was Santa Cruz's invasion plan, and how did Philip II change it?

    Santa Cruz proposed concentrating the whole force of the Spanish Empire: about 500 ships and 85,000 men assembled in the ports of the Spanish peninsula. Philip II thought it too vast and costly, so he substituted a more economical plan—Santa Cruz would assemble a smaller fleet in the Atlantic ports, strong enough to secure command of the Channel, then cover the transport of Parma's army from the Netherlands.

    Chapter 12

  4. Why did Drake's 1587 Cadiz raid delay the Armada, and who replaced Santa Cruz?

    Drake sailed for Spain on 2 April 1587 with only thirty ships and surprised and burned the half-armed transports and storeships at Cadiz, making departure that year impossible. Before the next summer's preparations were complete, Santa Cruz died. Philip replaced him with the Duke of Medina-Sidonia, who pleaded to be excused, saying he had scant knowledge of war and no experience of the sea.

    Chapter 12

CHAPTER VI (part 2)4 cards
  1. What did Howard argue about trained men versus untrained levies?

    Howard wrote to the Council urging the Queen to keep 10,000 practised, trained men about her person, arguing they would do more service than 40,000 untrained men from other parts of the realm. He added that the 6,000 men in the fleet, trained under experienced captains, were worth more to him than 16,000 men from any part of the realm.

    Chapter 13

  2. How did the English fleet's manning and armament differ from the Armada's?

    Contrary to the Armada's system, seamen outnumbered soldiers in every English ship. The flagship 'Ark' carried 270 mariners, 34 gunners, and 126 soldiers, plus 44 guns including cannon, demi-cannon, culverins, and sakers. The chapter states English ships as a rule were better armed than the Spaniards, though smaller and fewer of heavy tonnage.

    Chapter 13

  3. Why did the Spaniards reject De Leyva's plan to attack Plymouth?

    De Leyva proposed attacking the English in Plymouth Sound, where superior numbers of fighting men could win a hand-to-hand deck fight. The sailors objected that the fleet would enter in line ahead through only two narrow channels past shoals, risking destruction in detail. The plan was rejected and the Armada proceeded up Channel.

    Chapter 13

  4. What was Howard's fighting policy against the Armada, and how did Raleigh defend it?

    Howard avoided grappling, instead hanging on the Armada's flank or rear, crippling ships with artillery, slipping away when the enemy turned, and seizing detached ships. Raleigh defended this, noting the Spaniards had an army aboard and more, higher-charged ships; entangling would have endangered England, since twenty men on defences equal a hundred boarders.

    Chapter 13

CHAPTER VI (part 3)4 cards
  1. Why did Howard decide not to engage the Armada again until reaching the Straits of Dover?

    Howard decided to avoid further engagement until the fleets reached the Straits of Dover because of a shortage of ammunition. The English commanders repeatedly lacked powder and shot, and the Queen's parsimony was endangering the country. Howard wrote urgently for supplies and admitted he was only "putting on a brag countenance." Even after reinforcements from Portsmouth brought some ammunition, the shortage remained the reason for the decision.

    Chapter 14

  2. What caused the Spanish fleet to scatter from Calais roads on the night of the fireships?

    Howard prepared eight small craft as fireships by loading them with inflammable lumber and removing guns and stores. The Spaniards, remembering the terrible floating mine used at Antwerp, feared these were similar "contrivances of mines" and abandoned any idea of grappling them. A panic spread; most ships cut their cables rather than weigh anchors by slow hand labour, and the fleet fled eastward in wild disorder.

    Chapter 14

  3. What made the fight off Gravelines the first of modern naval battles?

    At Gravelines the English closed to musket range and opened a well-sustained cannonade in which every shot told, while avoiding any chance of being grappled and boarded. The Spaniards replied with lighter, more slowly served artillery and musketry, but by noon their cannon were mostly silent for lack of ammunition. The author argues this was the first fight decided by gunfire rather than hand-to-hand conflict on the decks.

    Chapter 14

  4. Why did Medina-Sidonia believe he had nearly accomplished his task at Calais, and why was he wrong?

    Medina-Sidonia thought reaching Calais and getting into touch with Parma was near success, and he asked Parma to embark his army at once for convoy across the Channel. But the author argues he was in a fool's paradise, his ignorance of war the source of his satisfaction. Better commanders like Leyva and Recalde knew the English fleet must be effectively beaten, not merely eluded, before any invasion could succeed.

    Chapter 14

CHAPTER VI (part 4)4 cards
  1. Why did Howard abandon the pursuit of the Armada off the Firth of Forth?

    Howard was forced to give up the chase because his ships had empty magazines and half-empty lockers. Shortage of supplies meant he could only 'put on a brag countenance' rather than close with the enemy. Walsingham blamed this on the Queen's counsellors leaving Howard ill supplied, writing that 'our half-doings doth breed dishonour and leaveth the disease uncured.'

    Chapter 15

  2. What warning did Medina-Sidonia's sailing instructions give about Ireland?

    His instructions warned him to take 'great heed lest you fall upon the island of Ireland for fear of the harm that may happen to you on that coast,' where the ocean raised billows hardly endurable by the greatest ships. Ships that steered well westward and never sighted Ireland generally got home; those driven into landward waters along Scotland and Ireland suffered a succession of disasters.

    Chapter 15

  3. How were shipwrecked Spanish crews treated on the Irish coast?

    Treatment was often merciless. Bingham's troops massacred four hundred prisoners marched into Galway, and he reported giving thanks to God. Lady Denny had a surrendered crew put to the sword for lack of safe keeping. Some Irish coast folk helped survivors, but many killed and plundered them. Fitzwilliam later proclaimed mercy for those surrendering before 15 January 1589.

    Chapter 15

  4. What does the author say was the Armada campaign's lasting lesson for England?

    The author argues the campaign opened the modern era of sail and gun, yet no engagement was 'fought to a finish,' and English seizures were insignificant. He contends England's true defence against invasion lies not in armies but upon the sea, since Parma's veterans would have brushed aside half-trained levies. The Elizabethans made the narrow seas an impassable barrier.

    Chapter 15

CHAPTER VII4 cards
  1. What was the immediate cause of the first Anglo-Dutch war?

    Cromwell's Navigation Act, which deprived the Dutch of a considerable part of their carrying trade. The first fight actually took place before a formal declaration of war, triggered by a Dutch captain refusing the customary salute to a Commonwealth ship. The conflict was between two republics.

    Chapter 16

  2. Why was command of the sea vital to the Dutch?

    The author explains that Dutch wealth depended on their North Sea fishing fleets, their East Indiamen carrying Eastern produce to Northern Europe through the Straits of Dover, and their carrying trade for Central Europe via the Rhine and canals. England could live on its own products, but for the Dutch mere prolongation of naval war meant endless loss.

    Chapter 16

  3. How did the four days' battle of June 1666 end?

    Outnumbered, Monk fought well for two days hoping for Rupert's arrival, then retired toward the Thames with a sixteen-ship rearguard. Ascue's 'Prince' ran aground on the Galloper Sand and was burned by the Dutch. After a fourth day's melee Monk withdrew into the river, having lost twenty ships and some three thousand men, while the Dutch returned home to refit.

    Chapter 16

  4. What formation did seventeenth-century fleets evolve toward, and why?

    The author describes a shift from the oar-driven galley's line abreast to the broadside battleship's line ahead, since in line abreast a ship's guns pointed at its consorts. Line abreast was kept only for bearing down on the enemy. Line ahead gave admirals better control, though poor signalling and uneven ship speeds made it hard to hold.

    Chapter 16

CHAPTER VIII4 cards
  1. What did the Duke of York's Fighting Instructions prescribe for naval battles?

    The Fighting Instructions, drawn up under the Duke of York (later James II) as Lord High Admiral, prescribed set, formal battles with both fleets in line ahead, sailing on parallel courses or passing and repassing on opposite tacks while exchanging broadsides. They were a well-meant attempt to provide a 'sealed pattern' for engagements, and kept English tactics rigidly uniform for about a hundred years.

    Chapter 17

  2. How did English and French gunnery aims differ in this period?

    The French aimed at masts and rigging, hoping to cripple an adversary's sail power and force her out of the moving line. The English made the hull their target, aiming 'between wind and water' to start dangerous leaks or sending shot into the crowded gun-decks to put the enemy's batteries out of action. The author notes the English probably had the advantage in gunnery ideas.

    Chapter 17

  3. What advantages did Rodney's fleet have over De Grasse's in April 1782?

    Rodney had thirty-six sail of the line to De Grasse's thirty, including five three-deckers, and more than two hundred extra guns. English guns were mounted on an improved system giving a larger arc of training fore and aft, and English ships carried carronades not yet introduced in the French navy. More English ships were also copper-sheathed, meaning less fouling and better speed at sea.

    Chapter 17

  4. Why did De Grasse head for the Saints' Passage, and what opportunity did he miss?

    De Grasse sent his convoy ahead to the north-westward and steered his fighting-ships for the channel between Dominica and Guadeloupe, rightly judging Rodney would follow the warships and give the convoy a start. Hood's nine van ships had gone far ahead, and the author argues De Grasse, intent on avoiding battle, could likely have brought overwhelming force against them but only sent Vaudreuil to skirmish at long range.

    Chapter 17

CHAPTER IX (part 1)4 cards
  1. What new spirit entered the British Navy in the decade before Trafalgar?

    The author argues a new spirit transformed the navy: admirals no longer thought duty done by exchanging distant broadsides from a well-ordered line, nor was occupying a port or island an adequate campaign result. The enemy's fighting-fleet became the object, and the ideal battle was a close fight amid the enemy's broken line, with victory meaning the enemy's destruction. Nelson personified this spirit, taking bold risks for great results.

    Chapter 18

  2. What was Napoleon's basic plan for invading England?

    Napoleon assembled the Grand Army at Boulogne as the Armee d'Angleterre, with flat-bottomed boats in every creek from Dunkirk to Havre. He realized success required a French fleet holding the Channel when his veterans embarked. His fleets at Brest, Toulon, Rochefort, Ferrol, and Spanish ports were all watched by British blockaders, so his plans centered on eluding, misleading, and out-manoeuvring the English squadrons to concentrate overwhelming force in the narrow seas.

    Chapter 18

  3. Why did Nelson fail to intercept Villeneuve's escape from Toulon in 1805?

    Nelson kept his battleships based on Sardinia rather than closely blockading Toulon, and believed any French sortie meant another Egyptian expedition, confirmed in his mind by reports of saddlery and muskets embarked. When Villeneuve sailed on 30 March, Nelson strung ships from Sardinia to Sicily and Africa to watch the eastern approaches. Villeneuve instead ran west past the Balearics, through the Straits on 8 April, and reached the Atlantic, so no French sail was sighted.

    Chapter 18

  4. Why did Villeneuve turn back to Cadiz instead of pushing into the Channel?

    Villeneuve left Corunna on 11 August intending to reach Brest and concentrate the squadrons, but two days out a Danish merchantman told him a great British fleet was near to the northward — false information planted by a British cruiser captain. The wind then turned north, and the irresolute admiral altered course and ran south to Cadiz on 22 August, to the dismay of his captains, making no effort to cut off Collingwood's six ships.

    Chapter 18

CHAPTER IX (part 2)4 cards
  1. How did Villeneuve arrange his Franco-Spanish fleet to prevent friction between allies?

    Villeneuve deliberately mixed French and Spanish ships together in his array rather than drawing them up in separate national divisions, to avoid dangers arising from mutual jealousies. On the day of battle the fleet fought in a long double line, partly the result of chance, and Gravina's twelve-ship 'squadron of observation' was placed in the line instead of forming independently.

    Chapter 19

  2. How did the British and allied fleets compare in ships and guns at Trafalgar?

    The British had 27 line-of-battle ships with 2,148 guns, 4 frigates with 146 guns, and 2 brigs with 20 guns. The allies had 33 line-of-battle ships with 2,626 guns, 5 frigates with 200 guns, and 2 corvettes with 30 guns. The chapter stresses that mere numbers did not measure real fighting power, since the British were immeasurably superior in efficiency.

    Chapter 19

  3. What did Nelson's memorandum direct his two lines to do in the attack?

    Nelson forbade wasting time forming a regular battle-line; ships were to attack in the order they sailed. If the enemy was to leeward, Collingwood's leeward line was to fall on the rearward ships, while the windward line under the Victory would cut through just in advance of the centre and protect the rear attack. Captains were given wide discretion.

    Chapter 19

  4. Why did the actual battle differ from Nelson's memorandum diagram?

    The memorandum showed the British steering parallel to the enemy until the attack, but the real battle was very unlike the diagram, and some captains thought Nelson and Collingwood had abandoned the plan in the confusion. The chapter argues that while its letter was not realized, its spirit was: Nelson intended a melee where superior training and steadier fire would tell.

    Chapter 19

CHAPTER IX (part 3)4 cards
  1. Why did Dumanoir's van squadron fail to engage at Trafalgar?

    Dumanoir, commanding the French van in the Formidable, held his course and drifted away from the battle after firing at the Victory and her consorts. Villeneuve signalled in vain for him to engage. Dumanoir later claimed no enemy was within reach and light winds made return impossible, though he used boats to tow. The author condemns his incompetent selfishness, noting two of his captains returned without orders and fought for honour.

    Chapter 20

  2. How was Nelson wounded and what did he do afterward?

    At twenty minutes past one, a musket bullet from the Redoutable's mizen-top sharpshooters hit Nelson in the left shoulder, plunging down and back. He fell on his face and told Hardy his backbone was shot through. Carried below, he covered his decorations with a handkerchief so the crew would not realize their chief was lost, and ordered tiller-lines rigged to replace the shattered wheel. His flag kept flying.

    Chapter 20

  3. How was Villeneuve's flagship Bucentaure captured?

    The Bucentaure fired four broadsides at the approaching Victory, which replied with one shattering close-range broadside. After the Redoutable stopped, Fremantle's Neptune raked her stern and ranged alongside; Pellew's Conqueror joined on the other side, with Victory occasionally adding fire. Over two hundred were killed or disabled, masts fell masking her guns, and boats were splintered. She struck around two o'clock; Captain Atcherley received Villeneuve's surrender.

    Chapter 20

  4. How did the Santa Ana become Collingwood's prize?

    Collingwood opened the fight by breaking the line astern of the Santa Ana, raking her as he passed. Laying the Royal Sovereign alongside to leeward, he overpowered her; Captain Rotherham predicted she must soon strike, but she fought on until only a single gun answered. Her colours came down at 2.30. Admiral Alava was too badly wounded to be moved, and over four hundred of her crew were killed or wounded.

    Chapter 20

CHAPTER IX (part 4)3 cards
  1. What happened to most of the allied prizes after Trafalgar?

    A gale swept the coasts of Western Europe and caught the disabled fleet with a hostile shore under its lee. Only four prizes, the poorest ships, ever reached Gibraltar; others sank, were abandoned and burnt, or drove ashore. The Algeciras was retaken by French prisoners and carried into Cadiz, and the Santa Ana was recaptured as she drifted off the port.

    Chapter 21

  2. What were the human costs of Trafalgar on both sides?

    About 2,500 men were killed and wounded in the victorious British fleet. The chapter says the allied losses are difficult to estimate but were at least 7,000 and may have been considerably greater, with hundreds of wounded going down in ships that sank in the storm. For weeks search-parties gathered corpses drifted ashore from Cadiz to Cape Trafalgar.

    Chapter 21

  3. How did news of Trafalgar affect England and Napoleon?

    The news reached England just after something like a panic caused by tidings of the surrender of a whole Austrian army at Ulm. It reached Napoleon amid his triumphs, warning him that his power was bounded by the seas washing the Continent's shores. The chapter quotes Meredith: Nelson 'drove the smoke of Trafalgar to darken the blaze of Austerlitz.'

    Chapter 21

CHAPTER X (part 1)4 cards
  1. What did the 1854 attack on Sebastopol's sea-forts demonstrate to naval planners?

    The allied fleets' most powerful ships engaged the sea-forts on 17 October 1854 and suffered such loss and injury that continuing would have been disastrous. This convinced even conservatives that wooden walls were obsolete and that ships needed protection from explosive shells, leading to armour-clad navies. The author calls it the event that rang the knell of the old wooden walls.

    Chapter 22

  2. What were the French floating batteries, and how did they perform at Kinburn?

    Napoleon III had four slow, heavily armoured floating batteries built for use against fortifications, not fleet actions. Three—Devastation, Lave, and Tonnant—attacked Kinburn on 17 October 1855, the anniversary of Sebastopol. Despite poor steering, they silenced and wrecked the Russian batteries in eighty-five minutes, losing fewer than a dozen men. It was their first and last fight.

    Chapter 22

  3. Who introduced the armour-clad ship into the world's navies, and what was the first European ironclad?

    The author credits Emperor Napoleon III, who directed the building of armoured floating batteries after Sebastopol. The first three French sea-going armour-clads were laid down at Toulon in 1858, and the armoured frigate Gloire was launched the next year as the first European ironclad. Britain's answer, the Warrior, was laid down in June 1859 and launched December 1860.

    Chapter 22

  4. What does the author say about the claim that the American Civil War created armoured navies?

    The author argues this claim, common among American writers and believed by many Englishmen, is wrong. France and England were building ironclads before the war; the Normandie, the first armoured ship to cross the Atlantic, flew the French admiral's flag in 1861. All that is true is that the war gave the world the first fight between armour-clad ships and influenced later ironclad design.

    Chapter 22

CHAPTER X (part 2)4 cards
  1. What did the Merrimac do to the Cumberland at Hampton Roads?

    The Merrimac rammed the Cumberland almost at right angles on the starboard side under her fore-rigging, crushing frames and opening a hole described as big enough to drive a coach and horses through. Water poured in, and despite Commander Morris's curt refusal to surrender, the Cumberland sank, with boats from shore saving only a few of her people.

    Chapter 23

  2. Why did the Congress surrender to the Merrimac?

    Lieutenant Smith tried to reach shoal water under the batteries but the Congress grounded within easy range of the Merrimac's guns. Badly wounded, Smith was consulted by Lieutenant Prendergast, who decided that prolonging the fight with the ship aground would waste life uselessly, so he dipped his colours and displayed a white flag.

    Chapter 23

  3. What was Ericsson's design for the Monitor?

    Ericsson proposed a light-draught ironclad with a barge-like lower hull mostly underwater and a wider raft-like upper hull with overhanging armour. Two heavy smooth-bore guns were mounted in a revolving turret, so they could point in any direction regardless of the ship's position, plus a nine-inch-thick armoured conning-tower. The design suited shallow Southern waters and narrow channels.

    Chapter 23

  4. What objections were raised against Ericsson's Monitor plans?

    The committee reviewing the plans was at first hostile. Some members declared the ship would not float, that her deck would be under water and she would be swamped at once. Others objected that no crew could live in the under-water part of the hull. In time all objections were met and the Swedish engineer's plans were accepted.

    Chapter 23

CHAPTER X (part 3)2 cards
  1. Why did the Monitor stop firing for over a quarter of an hour?

    The Monitor ceased fire in order to pass a supply of ammunition up into the turret, which could not be revolved while this was being done. The Confederates hoped they had permanently disabled her, but she presently began firing again.

    Chapter 24

  2. How was Captain Worden wounded, and what did he say on hearing the Minnesota was saved?

    A shell struck the sight-hole of the Monitor's pilot-house and exploded, blinding Worden with powder and partly stunning him. He ordered the ship to sheer off and gave Dana Greene command. Told the Minnesota was saved, he said, 'Then I can die happy!' He recovered and became a distinguished admiral.

    Chapter 24

CHAPTER XI4 cards
  1. What was the paper balance of rifled guns and metal between the Austrian and Italian fleets at Lissa?

    The Italians had 12 ironclads with 208 rifled guns throwing 20,392 pounds of metal in their broadsides, against 7 Austrian ironclads with only 74 rifled guns throwing 1,776 pounds. Two Austrian ironclads, Ferdinand Max and Hapsburg, had no rifled guns at all. The chapter stresses these estimates left out the human factor.

    Chapter 25

  2. What did Tegethoff tell his officers was needed for decisive results, given his weak guns?

    Tegethoff knew no gun in his fleet could pierce Italian armour, so he told his officers they must trust to the ram for decisive results. He strengthened ships' bows with cross timbers, painted his ships dead black, and ordered them to ram anything painted grey, the Italian colour.

    Chapter 25

  3. How did Tegethoff respond to the Vienna Admiralty's suggestion to take only ironclads to sea?

    He replied, "Give me every ship you have. You may depend on my finding some good use for them." He gathered 27 ships at Fasana, including the old line-of-battle ship, wooden frigates, and gunboats, trusting his officers and men to fight well on anything that would float, whatever naval experts thought of its obsolescence.

    Chapter 25

  4. How did Persano respond to Tegethoff's challenge off Ancona, and with what effect?

    Tegethoff steamed up and down beyond the coast batteries for hours, challenging the Italians to come out. Persano refused, later excusing himself to his government that his ships' fitting out was incomplete. The chapter says this raised Austrian confidence and contempt for their adversaries, while the Italians were depressed by Custozza and their admiral's hesitation.

    Chapter 25

CHAPTER XII (part 1)4 cards
  1. Why did navies overvalue the ram after the Battle of Lissa?

    The sinking of the Re d'Italia at Lissa made such an impression on the public that exaggerated importance was attached to the ram for years. Naval critics who argued it was overrated were a minority; the majority only gradually realized a ship under full control could usually avoid ramming, which worked only in exceptional circumstances against an already disabled enemy.

    Chapter 26

  2. Why were there no fleet actions between Lissa and the Yalu?

    For nearly thirty years after Lissa there were no fleet actions, though ships, armour, and guns improved and huge armour-clads were built and scrapped without firing a shot. In the Franco-German War the French navy's superiority kept German ships in harbour, and the only naval action was an indecisive gunboat duel; other conflicts produced only single-ship duels and torpedo exploits.

    Chapter 26

  3. What advantage did Japanese quick-firing guns give at the Yalu?

    The quick-firer was a new weapon: a rapid breech action, recoil mechanism returning the gun to firing position, and for smaller calibres brass-cased ammunition loaded in one movement and fired by trigger. Japan had 128 quick-firers against China's three, on the little Kwang-ping. The storm of shells from these was even more terrible for the Chinese than the slower heavy-gun fire.

    Chapter 26

  4. What was Japan's decisive advantage over China at the Yalu?

    The author argues Japan's overwhelming advantage was training, not ships: Chinese officers and men were mostly brave but almost entirely unskilled, with only a few foreign efficient officers and engineers. The Japanese, from Admiral Count Ito down, were highly trained, first-rate sailors and gunners, and the fleet had been exercised in manoeuvres so ships worked as an organized whole.

    Chapter 26

CHAPTER XII (part 2)1 cards
  1. How did the old Japanese ships Hiyei, Fuso, and Akagi behave in the battle?

    Having dropped astern, the old ironclads came under fire from Ting's two centre ironclads. The Fuso evaded a ramming attempt and rejoined the cruiser squadron; the Hiyei steamed between the Chinese battleships amid a storm of fire, dodging two torpedoes, and joined the van squadron. The Akagi lost a mast, and the Saikio Maru was damaged by Chinese gunboats and torpedo boats.

    Chapter 27

CHAPTER XII (part 3)3 cards
  1. What did the gunnery lieutenant's young brother do during the battle?

    Tsao-kai, the gunnery lieutenant, was badly wounded and taken below; he had brought his brother, a mere boy, aboard for a holiday and had him beside him in the barbette. The boy stayed to the end, helping pass up ammunition and apparently treating the fight as an interesting game, though he was the only unwounded individual in the barbette when the battle ended.

    Chapter 28

  2. Why did Ito break off the engagement at about 5.30 p.m.?

    Ito's official report cites the Chinese ironclads being joined by other ships, his van squadron being far from the main force, and sunset approaching. The chapter says his real reasons were probably shortness of ammunition and exhaustion of officers and men, since no important Chinese ships were available to join the ironclads. He judged a night action risky because ships might separate in darkness and the enemy had torpedo boats.

    Chapter 28

  3. What lesson does the chapter draw from the Yalu battle about warship design?

    The chapter rejects the exaggerated claim that the protected cruiser, not the battleship, was the warship of the future, arguing the battle proved the enormous resisting power of the armoured ship. It says if Ting had had up-to-date battleships with trained crews instead of two antiquated coast-defence armour-clads, he would have disposed of many Japanese cruisers. The most valuable lesson was the danger of fires lit by exploding shells, influencing ship construction and clearing for action.

    Chapter 28

CHAPTER XIII4 cards
  1. How was the US Navy neglected after the Civil War, and what finally changed?

    For about twenty years after the Civil War the American Navy was hopelessly neglected, relying on old monitors, sloops, and armed merchantmen. The Navy Department maintained an excellent officer corps, and through their influence a new navy was begun: coast-defence monitors plus full-rigged protected cruisers. Not until the late 1880s was American opinion aroused to the danger of neglecting sea-power.

    Chapter 29

  2. What two fleets did the US concentrate on the Atlantic coast before the war?

    The North Atlantic Fleet under Admiral Sampson was at Key West, Florida, and the reserve fleet, officially the 'Flying Squadron,' under Commodore Schley, was at Hampton Roads. The Pacific Squadron under Commodore Dewey waited at Hong Kong to sail for the Philippines once war was declared.

    Chapter 29

  3. What was the composition of Cervera's Atlantic Squadron?

    Cervera commanded four armoured cruisers of one type: Infanta Maria Teresa (flagship), Vizcaya, Almirante Oquendo, and Cristobal Colon, plus three torpedo-boat destroyers (Terror, Furor, Pluton), torpedo-boats, and the armed liner Ciudad de Cadiz as mother-ship. The cruisers had armoured decks, a 6-inch belt, and 9 1/2-inch Hontoria guns in barbettes.

    Chapter 29

  4. Why did Cervera's squadron seem to vanish, and where was it finally found?

    After sailing from St. Vincent on 29 April, Cervera's ships went unseen for days, prompting wild rumors, including false press reports (passed by the Spanish censor) that he had returned to Cadiz. On 12 May the destroyer Furor was sighted at Martinique. Cervera reached Curacao on 14 May but found no colliers, then entered Santiago harbour on 19 May, hours after American warships had left.

    Chapter 29

XIV. TSU-SHIMA, 1905 2973 cards
  1. What does the illustration of the Russian battleship Orel show?

    The illustration of the Russian battleship "Orel" is a photograph taken after the battle of Tsu-Shima, showing the effects of Japanese shell fire. It appears in the list of illustrations facing page 330, and is one of the few photographic rather than engraving or drawing sources in the book.

    Chapter 30

  2. Which plans relate to the battle of Tsu-Shima in the list of plans?

    Three plans concern Tsu-Shima: a sketch-map showing the extent of the waters in which the first part of the fight took place (facing page 321), a general map (facing page 322), and diagrams of movements during the fighting of May 27th (facing page 326).

    Chapter 30

  3. What two lists precede the book's main text, and what do they record?

    The book opens with a List of Illustrations and a List of Plans. The illustrations record paintings, engravings, drawings, and photographs, with sources and permissions noted. The plans record battle maps and diagrams, each with a facing page, covering engagements from Lepanto through Trafalgar, Hampton Roads, Lissa, the Yalu, Santiago, and Tsu-Shima.

    Chapter 30

CHAPTER XIV (part 1)4 cards
  1. Why did Japan revise the Treaty of Shimonoseki and give up Port Arthur in 1895?

    Russia protested the cession of Port Arthur and the Liao-tung Peninsula to Japan, arguing a foreign Power there would menace Pekin and end China's independence. Germany and France joined Russia, and their combined squadrons would have outmatched Admiral Ito's cruisers. England stayed neutral. Japan's Ministers concluded they could not single-handedly face this Triple Alliance, so the cession was struck from the treaty and the territory restored to China.

    Chapter 31

  2. How did Russia act after forcing Japan to abandon Port Arthur, and what did Japan do in response?

    Russia obtained from China the right to build a railway through Manchuria to Niu-chwang with garrisons along it, plus the right to garrison Port Arthur, use it as a naval station, and occupy adjacent territory. Japan, recognizing Russia as its future rival, resolved to prepare for a later struggle: it built a powerful navy in foreign shipyards, expanded its army, and spent its war indemnity and foreign loans on armaments.

    Chapter 31

  3. What happened to Admiral Makharoff and the Port Arthur fleet in April 1904?

    Makharoff, described as the best officer in the Russian Navy, arrived in March and revived the fleet's energy, completing repairs to the injured ships. On 13 April he steamed out to challenge Togo. Despite precautions against floating mines, the fleet entered water where several were afloat, and the flagship Petropavlosk was destroyed by a mine explosion. There was great loss of life, and the author notes the most serious blow to Russia was the admiral's death.

    Chapter 31

  4. Why did the battle of 10 August 1904 end in a Russian retreat to Port Arthur?

    Witjeft led the fleet out for Vladivostock, but Japanese superior gunnery and high-explosive shells decided the fight. The Tsarevitch was badly cut up and set on fire, and Witjeft was killed, his last word reiterating the order to push for Vladivostock. As darkness came, Ukhtomsky lost heart and led the fleet back to Port Arthur, though Japanese ammunition was almost exhausted and the author argues he might have got through.

    Chapter 31

CHAPTER XIV (part 2)4 cards
  1. What did Rojdestvensky's fleet do at Shanghai on 25 May that revealed his route?

    The fighting ships lay out at sea while auxiliary steamers, colliers, store-ships, and armed merchantmen were sent into the Wusung River to anchor. The Japanese read this as a plain sign he intended to test his fate at Tsu-shima, since a move toward Tsugaru or Soya would have required keeping those auxiliaries several days longer. The author, quoting The Times correspondent, calls this Rojdestvensky's first cardinal mistake.

    Chapter 32

  2. Why did Togo choose to wait near the Tsu-shima straits rather than seek the enemy?

    Togo reasoned he need not embark on risky adventures, since an enemy approaching Japan must eventually come within striking distance. The best position was near Tsu-shima, with the Shimonoseki arsenal and dockyard close by. If Rojdestvensky chose the northern straits, Togo counted on timely news to steam by a shorter route and still interpose between the Baltic armada and Vladivostock.

    Chapter 32

  3. How did Japanese gunnery and shells prove more important than gun numbers at Tsu-shima?

    Though the Russians had more heavy guns, the Japanese had more 6-inch quick-firers, and it was the steady rain of 100-pounder shells from these that paralysed the Russian ships. The author stresses that the Japanese shot straighter and had a more effective projectile. Semenoff, present at both battles, thought a new high explosive had been adopted, but the Japanese used Chimose powder throughout, perhaps with improved fuses.

    Chapter 32

  4. What reinforcements did Nebogatoff bring, and how were they regarded?

    Nebogatoff's fourth division sailed from Libau on 15 February, dispatched after agitation in Russia for further reinforcement, though the author argues a few more old and weak ships could add no real strength. It included the flagship Imperator Nikolai I, dating from 1889 and classed as a battleship, three small coast-defence battleships, and the cruiser Vladimir Monomach. Russian officers grumbled at "Nebogatoff's old tubs."

    Chapter 32

CHAPTER XIV (part 3)4 cards
  1. How did Togo plan to use his fleet's speed advantage at Tsu-shima?

    The Japanese fleet could manoeuvre at roughly fifty per cent greater speed than the Russians, letting it choose its own position in battle. Togo's plan: armoured ships attack the head of the Russian advance, protected cruisers sweep the flanks and rear to destroy transports and auxiliaries, and the torpedo flotilla dash in to finish off ships crippled by the heavy ships.

    Chapter 33

  2. What lesson does Captain Semenoff draw from the Russian fleet's final manoeuvres?

    Semenoff states the old truism that a fleet is created by long practice at sea in peacetime — cruising, not staying in port. A collection of ships of various types hastily gathered, which have only learned to sail together on the way to the theatre of operations, is no fleet but a chance concourse of vessels.

    Chapter 33

  3. How did wireless telegraphy affect scouting before the battle?

    Wireless was new since the last naval war. The Japanese scout Shinano Maru spotted the Russians and sent word through the air to the Mikasa in Masampho Bay, so Togo quickly knew the enemy's chart square and course. Russian operators kept wireless silence and listened, but often misread electric static as Japanese signals.

    Chapter 33

  4. What happened when the Russians opened fire on Dewa's cruisers around 11:20?

    Semenoff says the Orel fired an accidental shot; unable to tell with smokeless powder which ship fired, the fleet took it as a signal from the Suvaroff and opened fire, the 3rd Squadron heaviest. The Japanese replied briefly, no harm was done, and Rojdestvensky signalled ammunition not to be wasted. Firing ceased in five minutes.

    Chapter 33

CHAPTER XIV (part 4)4 cards
  1. What did Semenoff observe about the Japanese fleet compared to the Russian ships?

    Semenoff saw the Japanese steaming in perfect order at close intervals, with no disorder and even their flagstaffs and signal yards intact, while the Russian ships had burning bridges, wrecked stations, and piles of dead. The author uses this contrast to show how quickly the battle's outcome became evident, within the first hour.

    Chapter 34

  2. Which battleship sank first at Tsu-shima, and what caused it?

    The Ossliabya, fifth battleship and Foelkersham's former flagship, was the first to succumb. A 12-inch shell penetrated her forward above the water-line; the heavy sea flooded two bow compartments, another shell flooded the port bunkers and gave her a list, and she turned turtle and sank at 2.25, the first battleship ever sunk by gun-fire.

    Chapter 34

  3. How did Togo respond when the Russian fleet changed course under the Alexander III?

    When the Alexander led the Russians in a circle and then northwards, Togo followed on a parallel course, then signalled his twelve ships to turn simultaneously through half a circle, reversing their order so the last ship became leader. This let him cross the Russian bows, and the author compares the manoeuvre to a practice evolution at manoeuvres.

    Chapter 34

  4. What happened to the Suvaroff and its admiral during the battle?

    The Suvaroff was wrecked: her after-turret destroyed, steering gear disabled, masts and funnels down, most guns silent. Rojdestvensky was twice wounded, the second blow slightly fracturing his skull, and Captain Ignazius was blown to pieces. The destroyer Buiny took off the wounded admiral, and later torpedo-boats torpedoed the ship.

    Chapter 34

CHAPTER XIV (part 5)4 cards
  1. Why did Nebogatoff decide to surrender his squadron to the Japanese?

    Nebogatoff consulted his officers and all on the "Nikolai" agreed he must surrender. In a memorandum he noted that although some ammunition remained, the Japanese used superior speed to keep a distance at which he could not reply effectively; no shore or other ships were within reach; most boats were shattered and the rest could not be lowered; even life-belts were burned or used for defences. Continued resistance or sinking the ships would uselessly sacrifice some 2000 men.

    Chapter 35

  2. How did Togo treat the surrendered Russian officers, and why?

    Togo allowed the Russian officers to retain their swords. The chapter explains this was a proof of his opinion that they had acted as befitted brave and honourable men. This gesture followed Nebogatoff's surrender of his squadron after brief action in which the ships received further severe damage before he hauled down his colours.

    Chapter 35

  3. What happened to the Russian cruiser "Izumrud" after escaping pursuit?

    The "Izumrud" escaped the night torpedo attacks and outran pursuing cruisers, the "Chitose" being last to give up by 2 p.m. She had burned so much coal she could not reach Vladivostock, so she steered for Vladimir Bay in Siberia. Arriving at midnight with only ten tons of coal, she struck a reef in the dark on the flood-tide. After failed efforts to refloat her, the captain landed his crew, destroyed the guns with blasting charges, and blew up the ship.

    Chapter 35

  4. What final lesson does the author draw about naval victory?

    The author argues that victory will depend not on elaborate mechanical structures and appliances but on the men. He says it will be the reward of long training, iron discipline, calm, enduring courage, and leadership that can inspire confidence, command self-sacrificing obedience, divine an enemy's plans, and decide swiftly and resolutely how to frustrate them. He notes future wars will add submarines and aircraft, but this lesson remains true.

    Chapter 35

CHAPTER XIV (part 6)1 cards
  1. What does the index entry say about Xerxes and the battle of Salamis?

    The index lists Xerxes with his great expedition at page 5 and following, notes that he watches the battle of Salamis at page 16, and records his return to Asia at pages 21 and 22. These entries point readers to the chapters covering the Persian expedition and its aftermath.

    Chapter 36

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