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History of the Reign of Philip the Second, King of Spain, Vols. 1 and 2 Flashcards

William Hickling Prescott · Public domain edition · 440 cards · 117 chapters

Prescott argues that Philip II’s reign, though central to European history, still lacks an adequate English account and is best unified by the principle of religious absolutism. The deck covers his justification, Charles V’s abdication and retirement at Yuste, Spain under Charles, and the Netherlands Revolt.

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Chapter 1 · Question

Why does Prescott say Philip the Second's reign still needs a new English history?

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Section 14 cards

Why does Prescott say Philip the Second's reign still needs a new English history?
Prescott argues Watson's popular history rested on slight foundations: Watson was not solicitous enough about sources, settled for cheap and commonplace materials, and lacked access to unpublished documents. Prescott also notes that European governments have now opened national archives, especially Simancas, which had sealed the secrets of the Spanish monarchy for ages.
Chapter 1
Why does Prescott call Philip's reign the history of Europe, not just Spain?
Prescott argues Philip, by personal character and as sovereign of Europe's most potent monarchy, stood at the head of the party upholding the ancient Church. His policy led him to interfere perpetually in other European states' internal affairs, so materials for his history must be sought as much outside the Peninsula as within it, unlike the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.
Chapter 1
What dominant principle does Prescott use to unify Philip's reign?
Prescott argues Philip's great aim was to uphold the supremacy of the Church and, consequently, that of the crown. He quotes Philip writing that peace and public order are maintained in his dominions only by maintaining the authority of the Holy See. Prescott calls this policy almost as steady as the laws of Nature and the clew through the reign's intricate passages.
Chapter 1
How does Prescott handle the Netherlands Revolt within his narrative?
Prescott says the Netherlands Revolution, strictly speaking only an episode to the main narrative, deserves separate treatment because of its importance. Running through Philip's whole reign, it continually distracts the historian, creating an embarrassment like a double plot in a drama. He says the best remedy is keeping in view the dominant principle controlling the complicated machinery.
Chapter 1

Section 24 cards

Why did Charles V's Spanish subjects feel little affection for him?
The author argues Charles regarded Spain mainly as a source of resources for his ambitious enterprises, visiting usually to draw supplies from the cortes. His tastes were Flemish: he introduced Burgundian court ceremonial, drew trusted counsellors from Flanders, and spoke Flemish more fluently than Castilian. Spaniards therefore hardly regarded him as one of the nation.
Chapter 2
What was the outcome of the War of the Comunidades for Spain?
The author states the War of the Comunidades was soon closed by the ruin of the patriots. On the field of Villalar, the liberties of Spain received a blow from which they did not recover for centuries. From that point an unbroken tranquillity reigned—not the product of free, well-conducted government, but of despotism.
Chapter 2
How does the author describe Spain's intellectual life under Charles V?
The author says Spain's intellect did not slumber in its political tranquillity. Sheltered by the Pyrenees from invasion, Spaniards could cultivate the arts of peace so long as they did not meddle with politics or religion—that is, with the great interests of humanity. The more adventurous found scope in European wars or exploring the Western world.
Chapter 2
Why does the author say Charles V's reign was not truly 'national' for Spain?
The author argues nothing in Charles's reign was national. His most intimate relations were with Germany, and his early attachments and lasting sympathies were with the Netherlands, where he was born. He is known in his own time and in history as Emperor Charles the Fifth of Germany, not King Charles the First of Spain.
Chapter 2

Section 33 cards

What did Charles V do on October 25 before entering the great hall to abdicate?
He executed an instrument ceding the sovereignty of Flanders to his son Philip. Mass was then performed, and Charles, accompanied by Philip and a numerous retinue, proceeded in state to the great hall of the royal palace of Brussels, where the deputies of the provinces were already assembled for the ceremony.
Chapter 3
How did Charles explain his decision to abdicate in his speech?
He said a cruel malady had deprived him of the strength to govern, and he had long resolved to relinquish the throne, delayed only by his unfortunate parent's situation and his son's inexperience. He argued he could not stand excused before Heaven or the world if he kept the reins of government while incapable of managing them.
Chapter 3
What was the last act of abdication Charles still had to perform, and why was it deferred?
He still had to resign the crown of Germany in favor of his brother Ferdinand. He consented to defer it at Ferdinand's own request, since Ferdinand wished to prepare the minds of the electoral college for this unexpected transfer of the imperial sceptre. Charles retained the title of Emperor for the present, while real power and the burden of sovereignty remained with Ferdinand.
Chapter 3

Section 44 cards

Why did Charles choose the monastery of Yuste for his retirement?
The author says Yuste had attracted Charles's eye years earlier on a visit, and he marked it for his future residence. It was tenanted by monks of the strictest order of Saint Jerome, set in a wild, romantic country among hills, with cultivated gardens and groves of orange, lemon, and myrtle cooled by waters from the hillsides. Its calm seclusion suited withdrawal from the world and serious meditation.
Chapter 4
What did Charles's brief stay in Valladolid reveal about Prince Carlos?
While at court, Charles had the opportunity to see his grandson Carlos, the heir of the monarchy. It is said that his quick eye, in this short time, saw enough in the prince's deportment to fill him with ominous forebodings. Charles prolonged his stay fourteen days in Valladolid, where the purity and dryness of the atmosphere much benefited his health.
Chapter 4
Who were Philip's two tutors, and what did each teach him?
Juan Martinez Siliceo, a professor at Salamanca, instructed Philip in the ancient classics, Latin, Italian, and French, and encouraged his taste for mathematics, architecture, sculpture, and painting. Don Juan de Zuñiga, commendador mayor of Castile, taught him to fence, ride, and excel in chivalrous exercises and the chase, and was qualified to instruct him in the duties of his royal station.
Chapter 4
What does the chapter say about Philip's reserved temperament as a youth?
The author describes Philip as cautious and reserved, slow of speech, yet saying things with thought beyond his age. He never showed buoyancy of spirit or sallies of temper, and his deportment was marked by a seriousness some might call melancholy. He was self-possessed, so that even as a boy he was rarely off his guard.
Chapter 4

Section 54 cards

What advice did Charles give Philip about relying on advisers like the duke of Alva?
Charles wrote that Alva was his ablest statesman and best soldier, to be consulted especially in military affairs, but Philip should not depend on him entirely. Charles urged Philip to depend on no one but himself, warning that if the grandees governed through him it would be his ruin, and that he should use all but lean exclusively on none.
Chapter 5
How did Philip first see his bride before the wedding at Salamanca?
Impatient to see his destined bride, Philip rode out five or six miles from the city with a few attendants disguised as huntsmen, wearing a slouched velvet hat and a gauze mask. He mingled in the crowd beside the infanta and followed the five-hour procession unmarked, until darkness set in.
Chapter 5
What happened to Mary of Portugal after giving birth in 1545?
At Valladolid, on July 8th, 1545, Mary gave birth to a son, the celebrated Don Carlos. She survived the birth only a few days. The chronicler calls Valladolid fatal to her. Her remains were first deposited in the cathedral of Granada and later removed to the Escorial.
Chapter 5
Why did the Aragonese cortes resist granting supplies to Philip at Monzon?
The deputies from the mountains of Aragon and the Catalonian coast refused further supplies for enterprises that brought glory to the sovereign but little benefit to them. They pressed their own claims with pertinacity and criticized their rulers bluntly. Prescott notes that summoning the Aragonese cortes was, to the king of Spain, like summoning a general council to the pope—only from absolute necessity.
Chapter 5

Section 64 cards

What did Pope Paul III's embassy, led by Ottavio Farnese, request of Philip at Genoa?
The embassy's special object was to solicit Philip's interest with his father for the restitution of Parma and Placentia to the Holy See. Philip replied in terms the historian calls complimentary but sufficiently ambiguous as to the essential, having already learned his first lesson in kingcraft.
Chapter 6
How did Philip's Moorish-style tourney at Milan differ from the European tourney the Italians knew?
The Spanish knights rode à la gineta on light Andalusian jennets, arranged in six quadrilles with distinctive liveries and badges, heads wrapped in shawls or turbans in the Moorish fashion. They brandished slender lances with long colored streamers and performed the delicate manoeuvres of the Moorish tilt of reeds, showing agility the Italians, used to the more ponderous European tourney, found delightful.
Chapter 6
What two principles does Prescott suggest Charles inculcated in Philip during his time in Brussels?
Prescott says it can hardly be doubted that Charles in his private instruction inculcated two principles prominent throughout Philip's administration: to maintain the royal authority in its full extent, and to enforce a strict conformity to the Roman Catholic Communion. He adds it is probable Charles found his son an apt and docile scholar.
Chapter 6
What physical features and manner did observers note of Philip at age twenty-one?
He had a fair, even delicate complexion, light yellow hair and beard, blue eyes with somewhat closely knit brows, a thin aquiline nose, and the thick Austrian lip, with a lower jaw protruding even more than his father's. He was below middle height with a slight, symmetrical figure, attentive to rich but unaffected dress, and grave in the ceremonious old Castilian manner.
Chapter 6

Section 74 cards

How did Philip's tastes and manners differ from those expected by the Flemings?
The author argues Philip disliked field sports, chivalric exercise, and gaudy spectacles, preferring privacy and the company of a few. He was ceremonious and exacted deference but avoided court pomp. The Flemings, used to the Burgundian court's profuse magnificence and Charles's affable adaptability, were chilled by Philip's austere, reserved demeanor, which they found uncongenial.
Chapter 7
Why did the German electors and princes prefer Maximilian over Philip?
The electors had no wish to perpetuate the imperial sceptre in the Castilian line, having suffered from Charles's despotic temper. They wanted a German ruler who understood the German character; Maximilian's directness and kindly nature had won their affections. Philip was even more distasteful to them than to the Flemings, his haughtiness showing on many occasions.
Chapter 7
What was the outcome of Charles's scheme to secure Philip's succession to the empire?
Charles summoned the electors at Augsburg in 1550, seeking Ferdinand's surrender of the king of the Romans dignity for Philip. Ferdinand refused despite entreaties, even the tears of Regent Mary. A private compact was reached: Charles would keep the crown, Philip would succeed him, and Maximilian would follow Philip. The author notes Ferdinand hazarded little, since the electoral college would never sanction it, and later reverses destroyed Charles's influence.
Chapter 7
How did Philip's visit to the Netherlands end, and what did it accomplish?
Philip received the Netherlanders' homage as heir, then hurried toward Castile, pausing at Trent where the council fathers entertained him with masks, dancing, and jousts. He landed at Barcelona in July 1551 and resumed governing at Valladolid, fortified by Charles's long letter of instructions. The author argues the visit did not go well: the more the people saw of Philip, the less they liked him, foreshadowing a permanent breach.
Chapter 7

Section 84 cards

What did the Venetian ambassador Micheli say determined English religious belief?
Micheli reported that the example and authority of the sovereign were everything to the English in matters of faith: as the ruler believed, they believed, whether Judaism or Mahometanism. They conformed easily to the sovereign's will, at least in outward show, and most easily when it agreed with their own pleasure and profit.
Chapter 8
According to Micheli, what were England's military strengths and weaknesses under Mary?
Micheli said the kingdom could defy foreign invasion if united. The navy had shrunk through neglect and false economy to about forty warships, though the merchant marine could supply two thousand more. The army was strong in artillery, and the bow was the favored weapon, but the cavalry was most defective: horses were abundant yet light, weak, and grass-fed.
Chapter 8
How does Prescott describe Mary's character and her religious sincerity?
Prescott calls Mary devout and earnest, noting she burned her translation of Erasmus at her confessor's suggestion and insisted on restoring confiscated Church property, saying she would rather lose ten crowns than imperil her soul. But he says her bigotry degenerated into fanaticism and persecution, and that she lacked sympathy for human suffering, citing the executions after rebellion and of Lady Jane Grey.
Chapter 8
Why does Prescott think Mary's treatment of Elizabeth can be partly excused?
Prescott says the grounds for reproach are not fully made out and many circumstances extenuate her conduct: Mary saw her mother Katharine humiliated, was declared illegitimate, and faced conspiracy after conspiracy rumored to place Elizabeth on the throne. Yet Mary resisted Charles the Fifth's urgings to take Elizabeth's life, even after Wyatt's rebellion, and refused to force her into marriage with Philibert of Savoy.
Chapter 8

Section 93 cards

Why did Charles V instruct Renard to approach the Courtenay topic cautiously?
Charles warned that if Mary fancied her cousin Courtenay, she would not be turned from it by anything Renard said, nor would she readily forgive any reflection upon it. The envoy was to dwell on the advantages of a foreign prince and offer Charles's counsel, but approach the Devonshire earl with the greatest caution so as not to alarm the queen.
Chapter 9
What were the key terms of the marriage treaty?
Philip was to respect English laws and leave every man his rights; the queen reserved all power to confer titles, honors, and offices; foreigners were excluded from office. A son would inherit England plus Burgundy and the Low Countries, and Spain too if Don Carlos died. Mary was never to leave her kingdom without her express desire, and Philip was not to entangle England in his French wars.
Chapter 9
How did the English react to news of the Spanish match?
Popular discontent showed openly: placards, lampoons reviling the queen's ministers and ridiculing Spaniards, and ominous voices from old buildings. Children played games pitting English against Spaniards, and one boy playing Philip narrowly escaped with his life. Three insurrections broke out, the most formidable led by Sir Thomas Wyatt, whose ranks grew as royal forces deserted to him.
Chapter 9

Section 104 cards

What did Renard recommend regarding Philip's retinue and conduct in England?
Renard advised Charles and Philip that the prince bring no more Spaniards than necessary, that the wives of his nobles stay behind, and above all that Philip and his followers abandon Castilian hauteur for conciliatory manners to disarm English jealousy. The author notes Renard seemed to regard women as the source of evil.
Chapter 10
How did Mary describe her motives when ratifying the marriage treaty?
Kneeling, Mary called God to witness that she contracted the marriage from no carnal or worldly motive but to secure the kingdom's welfare and tranquillity. She said her faith was first plighted to her kingdom and hoped Heaven would help her keep her coronation oath. Renard, present at the ceremony, said bystanders wept.
Chapter 10
What significant fact about Philip's courtship does Mary's reply to Egmont reveal?
Asked whether she would write to Philip, Mary said not until he had begun the correspondence. The author notes Philip had never written or sent a single token of regard; Charles had arranged the marriage, wooed the bride, and done all the courtship. Philip reportedly preferred Mary of Portugal and loved power.
Chapter 10
Who governed Castile during Philip's absence, and under what constraints?
The emperor entrusted the regency to Philip's sister Joanna, widow of the heir of Portugal and mother of Don Sebastian. A council of state headed by the archbishop of Seville advised and effectively guided her in matters of moment. Philip left her a detailed letter of instructions, especially on religion.
Chapter 10

Section 114 cards

What did Charles V do to make Philip and Mary equal in rank?
Before the marriage ceremony, Figueroa read aloud an instrument of Charles the Fifth stating that the marriage had been of the emperor's own seeking. Charles resigned to Philip his entire right and sovereignty over the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Milan, so that Mary would wed a sovereign like herself rather than give her hand to a subject.
Chapter 11
Who gave Mary away at the wedding, and why was this improvised?
The ceremony had no provision for who should give the queen away, causing some embarrassment. After a brief conference, the marquis of Winchester and the earls of Pembroke and Derby took it on themselves to give her away in the name of the whole realm. The multitude shouted in response, and the bishop of Winchester then concluded the marriage service.
Chapter 11
Why was Cranmer absent from the marriage ceremony?
Cranmer, the primate of all England, should have performed the ceremony but was absent, in disgrace and a prisoner. The bishop of Winchester, Gardiner, instead received the royal party in the choir, supported by the great prelates of the English Church. The marriage service was concluded by the bishop of Winchester.
Chapter 11
How did Philip's conduct in England impress contemporary observers?
Contemporary writers testified to Philip's affability, so little expected from popular reports of his character. The Venetian ambassador Micheli reported that Philip showed none of the haughty Spanish sosiego, was accessible, gave patient audience, spoke little but pertinently, and had judgment ripe beyond his age. Philip left affairs to the queen and her ministers, avoiding interference in justice except to obtain acts of grace.
Chapter 11

Section 123 cards

What concession by Pole reconciled Parliament to reunion with Rome?
Pole assured Parliament of his plenary power to grant absolution for past heresy and, more importantly, to authorize present proprietors to retain the confiscated abbey lands taken under King Henry. This concession, which Prescott says was extorted with difficulty from the pope, reconciled temporal with spiritual interests and dispelled lingering scruples in the legislature.
Chapter 12
What did the Spanish friar De Castro preach about the persecutions?
Immediately after the first martyrs suffered at Smithfield, Alfonso de Castro, a Spanish friar and Philip's confessor, preached against the proceedings. He denounced them as repugnant to the true spirit of Christianity, which he said was charity and forgiveness, and which enjoined ministers to enlighten sinners rather than take vengeance. Prescott says the appeal briefly checked persecution for a few weeks before intolerance rekindled.
Chapter 12
Why did Philip leave England in 1555?
Prescott says Mary's disorder proved to be a dropsy, and Philip, convinced she had no prospect of issue, found less inducement to stay in a country distasteful to him. He chafed at his subordinate public role, Parliament's refusal to crown him king or involve England in the emperor's war with France, and English antipathy to Spaniards. He left after his father's summons, prompted by Charles's proposed abdication.
Chapter 12

Section 134 cards

Who was Paul the Fourth, and what order did he found before becoming pope?
Paul the Fourth was a Neapolitan of the noble Caraffa family, bred to the religious profession and noted for prodigious memory and fluency in several languages. In 1525 he resigned his benefices and, with a few noble friends, instituted the Theatins, an order combining monastic contemplation with active duties: visiting the sick, burying the dead, and frequent public preaching.
Chapter 13
Why did Charles the Fifth dismiss Caraffa from the royal council of Naples?
Caraffa had long been on the royal council of Naples and belonged to the Angevine party, which viewed the house of Aragon as usurpers. Even after becoming cardinal, he urged Paul the Third to assert the holy see's claims to sovereignty over Naples. When this reached Charles the Fifth, the monarch was so displeased that he dismissed Caraffa from the council.
Chapter 13
How did Paul the Fourth behave at table after his election, and what was his favorite theme?
Despite earlier austerity, Paul adopted princely pomp, answering 'How but as a great prince?' when asked how he would be served. He usually passed three hours at dinner over numerous epicurean courses, drinking large draughts of thick black Neapolitan wine. His favorite theme was denouncing the Spaniards as the scum of the earth, heretics and schismatics, and predicting Charles and Philip would be driven from Italy.
Chapter 13
What secret treaty did Paul make with France, and how did it collapse?
Through the French ambassador, Paul opened negotiations and signed a secret treaty with France on December 16, 1555, each party furnishing men and money to recover Naples. But on February 5, 1556, Henry the Second, seduced by Charles's offers and his own ruined finances, deserted his ally and signed the treaty of Vaucelles, securing a five-year truce with Philip.
Chapter 13

Section 144 cards

What did Henry arrange with Sultan Solyman against Spain?
It was arranged that Henry should invite Sultan Solyman to renew his former alliance with France and make a descent with his galleys on the coast of Calabria. Prescott notes the irony that the most Christian majesty, allied with the pope and the Grand Turk, prepared war on the most Catholic prince in Christendom.
Chapter 14
What pretext did Paul IV use to move against Philip over Naples?
Paul talked of instituting a legal process against the king for recovery of Naples, which he claimed Philip had forfeited by omitting to pay the yearly tribute to the holy see. Prescott states the pretext was ill-founded, as the pope well knew, yet the process proceeded and a sentence of forfeiture was ultimately pronounced.
Chapter 14
How does Prescott characterize Alva's military qualities?
Prescott says caution was Alva's prominent trait, carried so far as sometimes to curb the emperor's enterprising spirit; men marveled at so old a head on young shoulders. Yet he had courage dangers could not daunt and constancy toil could not tire, preferring the surest though slowest means, never seeking a brilliant coup-de-main, and rarely winning dazzling decisive victories though almost always succeeding.
Chapter 14
Why did Philip convene theologians and jurists before war with the pope?
Before commencing hostilities against the Church, Philip determined to ease his conscience by obtaining a warrant from the Church itself. He assembled theologians from Salamanca, Alcalá, Valladolid and elsewhere, plus jurists from his councils, to answer queries on sequestrating benefices, embargoing Church revenues, and even convoking a council to test Paul's election. They gave favorable responses, and Philip sent orders to protect Naples.
Chapter 14

Section 154 cards

Why did Alva avoid seizing Rome after his successes?
The author states Alva's policy was to bring the pope to terms rather than ruin him, so he did not exploit the panic to take the capital. Instead he aimed to reduce the city by cutting off supplies, using his possession of Tivoli to command the eastern approaches to Rome and planning to take Ostia to sever communications with the coast.
Chapter 15
How did the siege of Ostia end for the garrison?
After a failed general assault on November 18 in which Italian troops were repulsed and Spanish infantry were finally driven back, the besieged garrison—exhausted, nearly out of ammunition and food—capitulated the next morning, November 19. They were treated with honor as prisoners of war, though Alva's own men had suffered severe losses.
Chapter 15
What terms ended the first campaign against Rome?
Cardinal Caraffa negotiated with Alva for a suspension of arms, resulting in a forty-day truce. The terms were honorable to Alva because they left him in possession of all his conquests. Alva, weakened by losses and unwilling to face Guise's fresh army, then broke camp, recrossed the frontier, and entered Naples in triumph.
Chapter 15
Why did the duke of Ferrara abandon Guise's campaign?
Ferrara urged Guise to secure the Milanese before marching south, warning of an enemy left in the rear. Guise, eager to press on to Naples and pressed by the pope, obtained matching orders from his own court. Disgusted, Ferrara quit the camp and withdrew his six thousand soldiers to protect his own states against Milan's troops.
Chapter 15

Section 164 cards

How did the women of Civitella contribute to its defense?
The women of Civitella displayed intrepidity equal to the men, arming themselves with buckler and cuirass and standing beside their husbands and brothers in the most exposed positions on the ramparts. When one was shot down, another stepped forward to take her fallen comrade's place. Having learned from the fate of Campli to expect no mercy from the victor, they preferred death to dishonor.
Chapter 16
What rewards did Alva grant Civitella after the siege?
The viceroy admired the inhabitants' heroic conduct and granted important immunities to be enjoyed forever by the citizens of Civitella. The women received a share of the honors: whoever married a maiden of Civitella was allowed the same immunities, from whatever part of the country he might come. The siege had lasted twenty-two days, fourteen of which the French guns played incessantly on the city.
Chapter 16
How did Alva fund his army before the campaign?
At Naples Alva summoned a parliament of great barons and demanded an extraordinary loan of two million ducats; only one third could be raised at once, so governors were ordered to invite great ecclesiastics to advance the rest, forced by seizure of revenues if they refused. A council decree also took monastery and church plate for the government, though a tumult in the Abruzzi suspended one shipment.
Chapter 16
Why did Alva decline to pursue the retreating French army?
Alva was criticized for not attacking as Guise crossed the Tronto, since a river passage offers advantages to an assailant. But Guise withdrew in admirable order, protecting his rear with his best infantry and superior cavalry, so the troops likely to clash offered no certain success. Alva's object was to defend Naples, not destroy the French; he preferred making a bridge of silver for the flying foe.
Chapter 16

Section 173 cards

What did Alva reportedly intend toward Pope Paul IV, according to Navagero?
The Venetian minister Navagero assures us that Alva's avowed purpose was to secure the person of the pope, believing this must bring the war at once to a close. Alva's uncle, the cardinal of Sangiacomo, warned him not to incur the fate of countrymen who served under the Constable de Bourbon at the sack of Rome, all of whom came to miserable ends.
Chapter 17
How did Romans react to the night alarm and to the peace?
When Romans learned the enemy had prowled round like wolves about a sheepfold, the whole city panicked, recalling the sack by the Constable de Bourbon, which many were old enough to remember. They loudly clamored for peace, and Strozzi told the pope he had no choice but to come to terms. News of peace brought joy proportioned to their former consternation.
Chapter 17
What does the chapter say about Paul IV's reforms and his death?
After peace, Paul deprived the Caraffas of their offices and banished them, and two brothers later perished by the public executioner under his successor. He tried to enforce discipline and morals among clergy, and against Protestant heresy resorted wholly to persecution, declaring the Inquisition the true battery against heretics. He died suddenly of fever on August 18, 1559, aged eighty-three; the populace then broke open the Inquisition prisons.
Chapter 17

Section 184 cards

How did Philip keep control over England's government while in the Low Countries?
Philip stayed in constant communication with the English cabinet and took a lively interest in governing the kingdom. The privy council's minutes were regularly sent to him and returned with his own handwritten marginal remarks, so he discussed and freely criticized every important measure. On one occasion he required that nothing of moment be brought before parliament until it had first been submitted to him.
Chapter 18
What event finally brought England into the war against France?
The marriage treaty had stipulated England would not be made a party to the war, and feeling ran more against the Spaniards than the French. The attempted insurrection of Stafford, who crossed from France, was the last of a long series of indignities. Parliament then agreed it was no longer consistent with its honor to keep terms with a power fomenting conspiracies, and war was proclaimed on June 7.
Chapter 18
How does the author assess Mary's character and reputation?
The author argues Mary was more to be commiserated than the meanest subject: her health wasted, her throne menaced, her popularity declining, without friends or children. He says Protestant writers paint her as a fanatic while Catholic historians make her a saint, and he argues public acts are not always a safe criterion of private character, especially in religion. He credits her with conjugal devotion, courage, and earnest desire to do her duty, but also bigotry.
Chapter 18
What made the German reiters so formidable in Philip's army?
Germany supplied more soldiers of fortune than any other country, men who served whoever paid best. Unlike the Swiss infantry, the Germans fielded cavalry called reiters, who carried the cuirass and other defensive armor plus pistols, a weapon little known then. Each rider had five or six pistols in his belt, and their smaller weapons let them maneuver as light cavalry, making them the most dreaded troops of the time.
Chapter 18

Section 193 cards

What mistake about the ford's width doomed Montmorency's army?
Montmorency delayed his retreat because he had been told the ford was too narrow for more than four or five men abreast, giving him time to finish crossing and withdraw to La Fère. In fact the ford allowed fifteen or twenty abreast, so Egmont's troops crossed in strength and caught the French retreating.
Chapter 19
How did the Gascons resist the Spanish cavalry at St. Quentin?
The Gascons, called the flower of the French infantry, formed squares with pikemen holding long pikes in front and arquebusiers in the centre. This presented an impenetrable array; Spanish horse rode round the bristling masses in vain, and occasional shots warned them off. Only the duke of Savoy's heavy artillery, turned on the dense squares, broke them.
Chapter 19
How does Prescott characterize Count Egmont's character and temperament?
Prescott describes Egmont as a Flemish noble of lofty, aspiring nature filled with dreams of glory, so elated by success that the duke of Savoy once rebuked him for acting as if commander-in-chief. Yet he had frank, manly, generous qualities, a chivalrous bearing, and was a dashing, intrepid officer well suited to a brilliant coup-de-main.
Chapter 19

Section 204 cards

What happened to Montmorency at the battle, and how were prisoners treated?
Montmorency was wounded by a shot from a schwarzreiter's pistol that fractured his thigh, and he fell prisoner to the Spaniards, who treated him with respect due his rank. Prisoner numbers were large, reportedly six thousand, including six hundred gentlemen. Philip dismissed common soldiers on condition they not bear arms against the Spaniards for six months; nobles were held in fortresses until ransoms were set.
Chapter 20
Why did Philip decline to march on Paris after St. Quentin?
The author explains Philip weighed the dangers: enemy fortresses left in his rear, rivers to cross, Paris's formidable works and forty thousand citizens who could be enrolled, and the risk of forcing the French to rise en masse. He recalled Charles V's failed siege of Marseilles. Philip chose instead to press the siege of St. Quentin, a decision the author says later events tend to support.
Chapter 20
How did Coligni defend St. Quentin and inspire its garrison?
Coligni toiled alongside the meanest soldiers, shared their privations, assured them of relief, complimented some for bravery and flattered others by asking advice, and talked loudly of his resources. He offered to be bound and thrown into the moat if he hinted at surrender, and promised the same treatment to any soldier who did. He and his brother Dandelot took charge of the two most exposed breaches.
Chapter 20
What was the outcome of the first assault on St. Quentin, and what changed the second?
After a cannonade to clear barricades, the assault began in the afternoon. The French, though weakened by scanty food and toil, drove the assailants back at all points after nearly an hour, and no breach was won. In the renewed assault, the duke struck a tower where Coligni had placed his least reliable troops; they gave way, and the Spaniards gained a footing on the ramparts.
Chapter 20

Section 214 cards

What did the German schwarzreiters do that angered their own allies at St. Quentin?
The German mercenaries were the most ruthless in the pillage of St. Quentin, and their brutal rapacity disgusted even their confederates. Prescott notes the schwarzreiters appropriated not only their own share of the plunder but also that of the English and Spaniards, an unscrupulous greed that alienated the other troops in Philip's polyglot army.
Chapter 21
Why did Philip's army shrink after St. Quentin, preventing further conquests?
Prescott attributes Philip's failure to push his conquests not to remissness but to the composition of his army. The German mercenaries, unpaid and tempted by Henry the Second's superior offers, deserted in great numbers. The English, resentful of serving Spain and fearing Spanish power, insisted on returning home. Philip consented, dreading a rupture between his English and Spanish subjects.
Chapter 21
How did Guise capture Calais from the English in January 1558?
Guise deceived the enemy by sending Nevers toward Luxemburg while marching into Picardy, then united his forces and appeared before Calais. He stormed the two forts commanding land and water approaches on January 2 and 3, turned his battering train on the citadel, and breached it on the fifth. Wentworth capitulated on the eighth; Guisnes and Hames soon fell.
Chapter 21
What does Prescott argue about the real significance of losing Calais for England?
Prescott argues Calais was no great loss materially: it cost England more each year than it was worth, and its chief value was facilitating invasion of France, a facility of questionable value. The real injury, he contends, was the wound to national honor. He also blames England's own government's neglect rather than the commander's treachery.
Chapter 21

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How did the English squadron affect the Battle of Gravelines?
An English squadron of ten or twelve vessels, out of sight at first, was attracted by the firing and opened fire on the French right wing nearest the sea. The shot likely did little execution and may even have killed some Spaniards, but it spread panic among the French, who thought a new enemy had risen from the ocean. Their cavalry crowded into the centre, discipline collapsed, and Egmont renewed his charge.
Chapter 22
What were the casualties and captives at Gravelines according to the chapter?
About two thousand French are said to have fallen on the field, against not more than five hundred Spaniards or Flemings. Many fugitives drowned in the swollen Aa or the ocean, and some fifteen hundred escapees are said to have been killed by the peasantry. Three thousand prisoners were taken, including Marshal Termes, wounded in the head. All baggage, ammunition, and plunder became the victors' prize.
Chapter 22
Why did Philip and Henry prefer peace over a decisive battle?
The author argues both monarchs were disgusted with war by ruinous finances: Philip sold offices, mortgaged revenues, borrowed at exorbitant interest, and forced loans, while Henry's army was largely foreign mercenaries. Both also faced Protestant heresy at home, and Pope Paul IV urged them to turn arms against heretics. Neither would risk all on a single cast.
Chapter 22
Who were the chief negotiators for Spain and France, and what motivated them?
Spain's agents included Alva, William of Orange, and Anthony Perrenot, bishop of Arras (later Cardinal Granvelle), who directed the commission. France's key figure was the cardinal of Lorraine, brother of Guise, described as subtle and intriguing and representing the war party despite pacific demonstrations. Montmorency, eager to return and counter Guise's ascendancy, helped open negotiations.
Chapter 22

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Why did Philip want Elizabeth to succeed to the English throne?
The author states Philip's desire was prompted not so much by concern for Elizabeth's interests as by his jealousy of the French, who seemed willing to countenance the pretensions of Mary Stuart, wife of the dauphin, to the English throne. Feria conveyed Philip's goodwill to Elizabeth at Hatfield, but did not mention this motive.
Chapter 23
How did Elizabeth explain her prospects to Feria?
Elizabeth acknowledged the protection she had received from Philip in her troubles, but said that for her present prospects she was indebted neither to the king nor to the English lords, however much these latter might vaunt their fidelity. It was to the people that she owed them, and on the people she relied. The author calls this answer the key to her success.
Chapter 23
What conditions did Philip attach to his proposal to Elizabeth?
Philip proposed through Feria that Elizabeth must be a Roman Catholic, or repudiate her errors and become one; she was to obtain a papal dispensation for the marriage; Philip was to be allowed to visit Spain whenever necessary for that kingdom's interests; and the issue of the marriage would not inherit the Netherlands, which were to pass to Don Carlos.
Chapter 23
Why does the author say Mary was more Spanish than English?
The author argues Mary was drawn toward Spain by kindred, sympathy, and interest: her betrothal to Charles the Fifth required her to learn Castilian language and institutions, Charles remained interested in her fortunes, and she looked to the emperor as her nearest relative for counsel. The Spanish match with Philip completed this, leaving her an alien among her own subjects.
Chapter 23

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What did the Treaty of Cateau-Cambresis exchange, and who benefited?
Philip exchanged the five places he held in Picardy for over two hundred towns gained by France in Italy and the Netherlands. Prescott states the exchange greatly benefited Philip, since Spanish arms had suffered reverses under Charles V. The duke of Guise protested that a stroke of Henry's pen cost France more than thirty years of war.
Chapter 24
How did Prescott judge Philip's conduct of the Cateau-Cambresis negotiations?
Prescott argues the Spanish plenipotentiaries showed address, knowledge of their opponents, and consummate policy unmatched by French or English rivals. Every move was made with Philip's sanction, and the result placed him in honorable contrast to Henry II, who abandoned France's allies while Philip stood by his own. Prescott calls this the period of Philip's greatest real consideration in Europe.
Chapter 24
Who was originally betrothed to Don Carlos, and whom did she marry instead?
Henry's daughter Princess Elizabeth, about fourteen, was first promised to Carlos, Philip's son and heir, also about fourteen. To flatter France, the French negotiators proposed substituting the father for the son. Philip consented despite repugnance to remarriage, and Alva wed Elizabeth by proxy in June 1559, with the same dowry promised to Carlos.
Chapter 24
How did Henry II die after the wedding festivities?
At a tournament, Henry challenged the young count of Montgomery to a final course despite the queen's forebodings. Montgomery's lance shattered the king's visor bars, and a fragment struck his temple, laying bare the eye. Henry lingered ten days in agony and died July 9, 1559, aged forty-two, in his thirteenth year of reign.
Chapter 24

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What physical limitations forced Charles to abandon horseback riding at Yuste?
Charles had once been the most accomplished horseman of his time, but his limbs could no longer endure even a poor palfrey's motion. After a solitary experiment in the saddle on arrival at Yuste, when he nearly fainted, he abandoned riding for ever, despite having brought a pony and mule in hope of exercise.
Chapter 25
What was Charles's daily routine at Yuste regarding meals and religious observance?
He attended mass every morning when health permitted, followed by an early dinner taken alone, preferring this to the convent refectory. He was fond of carving for himself despite gouty fingers, with his physician usually attending. After dinner he listened to passages from favorite theologians, and toward evening heard a sermon from one of the Jeronymite preachers brought to Yuste.
Chapter 25
What did Charles do about younger friars conversing with women at the convent?
Observing that some younger friars spent more time than seemed proper conversing with women who came on business to the convent door, Charles procured an order that any woman who approached within two bowshots of the gate should receive a hundred stripes. On another occasion his officious effort to quicken a younger friar's diligence reportedly provoked a testy retort.
Chapter 25
What mechanical pursuits and devices amused Charles at Yuste?
Charles had a decided turn for mechanical pursuits. With engineer Torriano he made puppets representing soldiers performing military exercises, and reportedly little wooden birds that flew in and out of windows. A little hand-mill grinding enough meal in a day to support a man a week astonished the monks, who thought it savored of necromancy. He also collected clocks and watches.
Chapter 25

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What common opinion about Charles at Yuste does the chapter reject?
The chapter rejects the common opinion that Charles, after retiring to Yuste, was totally cut off from the world and unaffected by public affairs. Instead, the author argues Charles continued to show interest in public affairs and took a prominent part in managing them, consulting with Philip on policy and corresponding with his daughter Joanna, the regent of Castile.
Chapter 26

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What did Charles's codicil urge Philip to do about heretics and the Inquisition?
The codicil conjured Philip, by the obedience he owed his father, to pursue and bring to justice every heretic in his dominions without exception and without favor or mercy, and to cherish the Holy Inquisition as the best instrument for the work. Charles promised that doing so would earn his blessing and God's prospering of Philip's undertakings.
Chapter 27
How did Charles die on September 21, and what had he prayed for?
About two hours after midnight on St. Matthew's day, Charles exclaimed "Now it is time," sat leaning on Quixada's shoulder holding a silver crucifix and lighted taper, and died without a struggle as the archbishop recited the De Profundis, saying "Ay Jesus!" He had always prayed, perhaps fearing the hereditary taint of insanity, that he might die in possession of his faculties.
Chapter 27
What dispute arose over Charles's burial at Yuste and how was it resolved?
Charles's will asked to be laid partly under the great altar so his head and upper body would rest beneath where the priest stood. Scrupulous ecclesiastics questioned whether any bones but a saint's could occupy so holy a place, and the dispute grew heated. It was settled by cutting an excavation in the wall for the head, leaving the feet touching the hallowed ground's verge.
Chapter 27
What did Charles do with images during his final illness, and what effect did it have?
On the evening of August 31 he had a portrait of the empress brought and dwelt on it, then contemplated Titian's "Agony in the Garden" and the "Gloria." He gazed so long and raptly that his physician feared for his nerves; rousing, Charles complained he was ill, and his pulse showed a high fever. Bleeding brought no benefit.
Chapter 27

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How did Charles V describe his own tendency to stick to decisions?
The author notes Charles was slow to decide, keeping couriers waiting for days, but once decided no one could shake him. When Contarini said it was not obstinacy to adhere to sound opinions, Charles replied that he sometimes adhered to unsound ones. The author presents this as Charles's own candid self-assessment.
Chapter 28
What was Charles V's daily eating and sleeping routine, and who criticized it?
The author reports Charles usually slept only four hours. A Venetian contemporary says potted capon with sugar, milk, and spices was served before rising; he dined at noon, ate again after vespers, and supped on anchovies or similar food. Cardinal Loaysa, his confessor, remonstrated that resisting appetite would do more for his soul than penance with the scourge.
Chapter 28
What did Charles V do with the Chevalier Délibéré translation and Van Male?
Charles translated the French poem celebrating his ancestor Charles the Bold of Burgundy; Van Male overlooked it, and Acuña put it into Castilian verse. Avila joked it was worth five hundred gold crowns to Van Male, and Charles agreed, saying William had sweat much over it. Two thousand copies were printed anonymously; Van Male feared only the cost.
Chapter 28
Why did Charles V refuse to hear Sepulveda's history of him?
Charles chose Sepulveda as his chronicler, condemning Sleidan as a slanderer and Giovio as a flatterer. He encouraged Sepulveda to seek information but refused to hear or read what was written, saying others may do so after he is gone. The author compares such a history to autobiography, sharing its confidence and objections.
Chapter 28

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What did Stirling's essays on Yuste omit, according to Prescott?
Prescott states that Stirling's essays, though containing new and interesting details, omitted the most important feature of Charles's monastic life: the influence he exercised on the administration of the kingdom. That influence, Prescott says, was to be gathered from the manuscripts of Simancas, which Stirling had not used when writing the essays.
Chapter 29
How does Prescott contrast Mignet's and Stirling's portraits of Charles?
Prescott says Mignet casts Charles in the true heroic mould, refusing to recognize a single defect that might impair the majesty of the proportions. Stirling's freer, familiar narrative instead carries a vein of humor, showing sensibility to the ludicrous, for which Charles's stingy habits and excessive love of good cheer in the convent furnish frequent occasion.
Chapter 29
What powers did the states-general of the Netherlands actually hold?
Prescott explains that the states-general, made up of clergy, nobles, and town representatives from each province, was rarely convened and had no legislative authority. It could only petition the sovereign for redress of grievances and possessed no right beyond remonstrance. Even on taxation, no subsidy could be settled there without the express sanction of each provincial legislature.
Chapter 29
Why did the Netherlands provinces fail to unite into one nation?
Prescott attributes it to different races speaking different languages—French in some provinces, a German dialect in others—plus rivalries and open wars among the petty states whose mutual animosities lingered after the causes passed away. Even Charles the Fifth, with all his power, could not fuse them, and had to content himself as head of a confederacy of republics.
Chapter 29

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What did Charles V's 1550 edict decree for those convicted of heresy?
The edict, or "placard," ordained that all convicted of heresy should die "by fire, by the pit, or by the sword"—burned alive, buried alive, or beheaded. It also punished dealing in, copying, or buying heretical books, holding or attending conventicles, disputing on Scripture, and preaching or defending reform doctrines. Informers received half the confiscated estate, and courts were forbidden to grant remission or mitigation.
Chapter 30
How did the Netherlandish inquisitors differ from the Spanish Inquisition?
Prescott argues the Netherlandish establishment bore faint resemblance to the Spanish Inquisition, despite the shared name. The Spanish Holy Office was a vast, elaborate political engine with grand-inquisitors who could overawe monarchs, spacious buildings, and public autos da fé. In the Netherlands, four secular-clergy inquisitors replaced the fugitive layman, and from 1546 no sentence could be pronounced without a provincial council member's sanction.
Chapter 30
What evidence does Prescott give against the claim of 50,000 Netherlandish martyrs?
Prescott calls the figure of fifty thousand victims under Charles V a monstrous statement repeated without examination. He notes Llorente, whose estimates never fall short, computed about ten thousand victims in the Inquisition's first eighteen years in Castile, mostly Jews. He also argues the edicts' frequent renewal nine times shows sluggish enforcement, and that the Inquisition was never introduced in Luxembourg or Groningen.
Chapter 30
Why did Protestant doctrines spread so readily in the Netherlands?
Prescott attributes the spread to proximity to Germany, commerce that introduced Protestantism from abroad, foreign residents and Swiss and German mercenaries quartered in the provinces, and Flemish nobles returning from study in Geneva fortified with Calvin's doctrines. He argues the phlegmatic northern temperament suited a religion addressing reason, while Catholicism's gorgeous accessories appealed better to the livelier sensibilities of the south.
Chapter 30

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Why did Philip's progress through the Netherlands alienate his new subjects?
Despite festive welcomes, Philip stayed shut in his carriage and kept a cold, reserved manner, which the people read as haughtiness and a rebuke of their loyalty. He remained a Spaniard among them: he spoke only Castilian, adopted Spanish etiquette, and gave his confidence almost exclusively to Spaniards, so the Netherlanders felt their sceptre had passed to a foreigner.
Chapter 31
What ecclesiastical reform did Philip undertake in the Netherlands?
Only three bishoprics existed—Arras, Tournay, and Utrecht—with huge dioceses and foreign bishops meddling in national rights. Charles V had planned six new bishoprics but never finished. Philip sought papal leave for fourteen bishoprics and three archbishoprics, funded by abbey lands, with abbeys placed under bishops' control. The plan was kept secret, anticipating opposition from nobles and those with vested interests.
Chapter 31
How does the chapter describe Margaret of Parma's character and appearance?
Margaret resembled her aunt the regent, loved hunting with fearless energy, and was strikingly masculine in air and gait; the chapter notes she had somewhat of a beard and suffered from gout, a disease rare in women. Her understanding was excellent and she was quick and adaptable, orthodox in religion, but she relied heavily on others' advice, so objectionable acts may reflect their influence rather than her own inclination.
Chapter 31

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Why did Philip keep Spanish troops in the Netherlands after the French war?
Philip retained a corps of three or four thousand old Spanish infantry in the western provinces. He claimed they protected the country from French violence and that paying their arrears was difficult. The States believed his true motive was to enforce the new measures and crush resistance. These troops, serving for plunder as much as pay, quartered on inhabitants and beggared the people through rapine and extortion.
Chapter 32
How did Philip respond to the petition to remove foreign troops?
Philip promised the troops would leave within four months, but refused to remove foreigners from office, a request aimed at Granvelle. He did not punish the petitioners, even the syndic of Ghent, instead blaming nobles like William of Orange who encouraged resistance. When warned his religious policy might cost him the provinces, he replied it was better not to reign at all than reign over heretics.
Chapter 32
What was the Consulta and how did it limit the council of state?
The Consulta was a select body of Barlaimont, Viglius, and Granvelle with whom the regent Margaret was to advise on delicate matters. By Philip's private instructions, sensitive questions could go to this group first, and the regent could adopt the minority opinion if faction entered the council. Granvelle soon dominated his colleagues, so the government effectively rested on his shoulders.
Chapter 32
What did Henry II reveal to William of Orange, and what did William do with it?
While a hostage at the French court for the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis, William learned from Henry II that a secret treaty existed with Philip, made through the duke of Alva, to extirpate heresy throughout their dominions. Henry assumed William was a loyal Catholic. Shocked, William told friends in the Netherlands; one letter fell into Philip's hands, and Philip watched him afterward.
Chapter 32

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Who effectively held real authority in the Netherlands despite the regent and councils?
Granvelle. Although power appeared distributed between the regent and the several councils, the arrangements Philip made threw real authority into Granvelle's hands, making him the rare favorite of two successive sovereigns (Charles and Philip). The chapter notes he was generally and heartily detested throughout the country, whether from necessity or because he did not bear his elevation meekly.
Chapter 33
What did Philip accuse William of Orange of at Flushing, and how did William respond?
Philip abruptly accused William of being the true source of the opposition his measures met in the States-General, shaking him by the wrist and saying 'not the states, but you, you, you!' William replied that the opposition was the act of the states, not an individual. He did not think it prudent to reply further, nor to trust himself aboard the royal squadron with the Flemish lords.
Chapter 33
How did Protestant books enter Spain, according to the chapter?
A Castilian Bible and other Protestant works were printed in Germany; copies occasionally crossed the Pyrenees undetected. Juan Hernandez, a Spaniard in Geneva working as a press corrector, evaded customs and Inquisition spies and landed two large casks of prohibited books, distributed among the infant church. Other intrepid converts followed his example with similar success, and the faithful multiplied.
Chapter 33
What did Paul IV's brief of February 1558 empower the Spanish inquisitor-general to do?
The brief enjoined the inquisitor-general to spare no efforts to detect and exterminate the growing heresy, and empowered him to arraign and bring to punishment all suspected of heresy of whatever rank or profession — bishops, archbishops, nobles, kings, or emperors. The chapter says Paul was fond of imagining himself setting his pontifical foot on the necks of princes.
Chapter 33

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What was the auto da fé, and when and where was the first one held?
The auto da fé, or "act of faith," was the most imposing and awful solemnity authorized by the Roman Catholic Church, combining the pomp of a Roman triumph with the terrors of judgment day. The first was held at Valladolid in May 1559, chosen for the importance of the capital and the presence of the court. Regent Joanna, Don Carlos, and leading grandees attended.
Chapter 34
What oath did Philip take at the second Valladolid auto da fé?
After the grand-inquisitor administered an oath to the kneeling multitude to defend the Inquisition and maintain the faith, Philip repeated a similar oath and rose, drawing his sword from its scabbard as if announcing himself the determined champion of the Holy Office. Prescott notes that in earlier autos of Moorish and Jewish infidels, so humiliating an oath had never been exacted from the sovereign.
Chapter 34
How were the condemned classified, and what happened to the 'reconciled'?
Of thirty convicts, sixteen were "reconciled" and the rest "relaxed" to the secular arm for execution. The reconciled abjured their errors and were absolved, but still faced penalties: some perpetual imprisonment, others lighter penances, all confiscation of property, and many were rendered ineligible for public office, with their descendants, and branded with perpetual infamy.
Chapter 34
Who were the two martyrs who refused to recant at the stake?
Don Carlos de Seso, a noble Florentine and zealous Lutheran convert, and Domingo de Roxas, a Dominican monk and son of the marquis de Poza. Both refused to purchase mitigation by confession. De Seso told Philip his innocent subjects were persecuted; Philip replied he would fetch the wood to burn his own son were he such a wretch. De Roxas was gagged on Philip's order.
Chapter 34

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Who was the grand-inquisitor who became Carranza's most implacable enemy?
Valdés, the grand-inquisitor, was the most implacable of Carranza's enemies. He resented that a humble Dominican like Carranza was raised over the proud prelacy of Spain, and with unwearied pains sought out whatever could make against the new prelate's orthodoxy, whether in his writings or his conversation.
Chapter 35
What was the final sentence pronounced on Carranza by Gregory the Thirteenth?
Carranza was declared to have imbibed Luther's pernicious doctrines. The decree against his catechism was confirmed; he was to abjure sixteen propositions in his writings, was suspended from episcopal functions for five years and confined to a convent at Orvieto, and was required to visit seven principal churches in Rome and perform mass there as penance.
Chapter 35
How long did Carranza's persecution last, and how did it end?
After eighteen years of doubt, anxiety, and imprisonment, Carranza heard his sentence, wept, and bowed in silent submission. The next day he began his penance, but nature could go no further; on May 2, only sixteen days after sentencing, he died of a broken heart. The pope raised a monument to his memory.
Chapter 35
What does the author argue was the long-term effect of the Inquisition on Spain?
The author argues the persecution blighted Spanish Protestantism utterly and entailed disastrous consequences on the country. Folded under the Inquisition's dark wing, Spain was shut out from the light that broke over sixteenth-century Europe; genius was rebuked, the mind was in fetters, science was closed, and everything remained stationary rather than progressing.
Chapter 35

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How old were Isabella and Philip at their first meeting, and what did Philip ask her?
Isabella was in her fifteenth year and Philip in his thirty-fourth. At their first meeting she gazed at him so intently that he good-humoredly asked whether she were looking to see if he had any gray hairs in his head, and the bluntness of the question somewhat disconcerted her. The chapter notes the age gap was no greater than often happened in a royal union.
Chapter 36
What did the chroniclers say about Isabella's melancholy and the prince of Asturias?
Some chroniclers note a shade of melancholy in Isabella's features, which they attribute to comparing her own lord with his son, the prince of Asturias, to whom her hand had originally been intended. They add that, trained from the cradle by Catherine de Medicis, she knew how to disguise her feelings. They also hint Don Carlos resented his father for coming between him and his betrothed.
Chapter 36
What festivities and spectacles greeted Philip and Isabella at Toledo?
At Toledo, three thousand old Spanish infantry staged a mock encounter with Moorish cavalry, followed by national dances by Toledan maidens, Gypsy dances, and the old Spanish war-dance of the swords. The royal pair entered under a canopy of cloth of gold, passed triumphal arches, and prayed at the cathedral. During the weeks at the capital there were bull-fights, tilts of reeds, and tournaments, and the Holy Office held an auto da fé.
Chapter 36
How does the chapter describe Isabella's popularity and her household at court?
Isabella soon won Spanish hearts; Brantôme says no queen of Castile, with deference to Isabella the Catholic, was ever so popular. She learned Castilian fluently, went abroad with her face uncovered, and kept great state, with rich jewels and robes. At dinner some thirty ladies attended, two carving and one as cupbearer, while gallants kept their heads covered, saying they waited on the ladies, not the queen.
Chapter 36

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Why did Charles V's religious edicts not cripple the Netherlands?
The chapter argues Charles never intended punishments to cripple the people's strength or drive them to extremity. When Regent Mary of Hungary warned his laws were too heavy to endure, he mitigated their severity. The frequent repetition of the edicts shows how imperfectly they were executed, and the people's prosperity and industry, including the Antwerp-to-Brussels canal completed in 1560, proved this.
Chapter 37
Why does the author say the Netherlands was a 'common reservoir' of new opinions?
The chapter argues the Netherlands lay like a valley among hills, drinking in surrounding waters. Lutherans of Germany pressed from the south, French Huguenots from the west, and the ocean linked them to England and the Baltic. Soldiers, seamen, and traders brought different forms of the new religion, and books from France and Germany circulated among a people nearly all able to read.
Chapter 37
What error does the author say Philip made in governing the Netherlands?
The author argues Philip's capital error was committing so large a share of government to a foreigner, Granvelle. The country had proud nobles of high birth, some owed obligations by Philip for aid at Gravelines, St. Quentin, and the French treaty. The author argues it was hardly to be expected they would submit tamely to a man of obscure family elevated by royal favor.
Chapter 37
Why does the author say Philip's measures suited Spain but not the Netherlands?
The author argues Catholicism was part of the Spaniard's being, honor, and history after eight centuries of religious war, and Spain felt little of Europe's shock behind the Pyrenees, so the Inquisition could root out heresy. The Netherlands, by contrast, was open to Lutheran, Huguenot, and English influence, and its charters, especially Brabant's Joyeuse Entrée, fostered a spirit of independence.
Chapter 37

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Who stood at the head of the Flemish nobles in the council of state?
Count Egmont and the prince of Orange stood at the head of the Flemish nobles in the council of state, taking into view their rank, fortune, and public services. Egmont had taken an important part in the victories of Gravelines and St. Quentin, while Philip had been indebted to Orange for counsel in conducting the war and still more for aid in the peace negotiations.
Chapter 38
How was William of Orange educated, and who was his preceptor?
William's parents were both Lutherans and he was educated in that faith, but Charles, with the parents' consent, had the child removed to Brussels in his twelfth year to be raised in the family of the Regent Mary of Hungary, where he was bred a Catholic. His preceptor was a younger brother of Granvelle, the man with whom William was later bitterly hostile.
Chapter 38
What did William resolve after learning the monarchs' secret designs in France?
While at the court of Henry the Second as a hostage, William became acquainted with the secret designs of the French and Spanish monarchs against the Protestants in their dominions, and resolved from that hour to devote all his strength to expel the 'Spanish vermin' from the Netherlands. Prescott cautions that William did not yet meditate shaking off Spanish rule altogether.
Chapter 38
What does the chapter say about William's religious convictions and toleration?
The chapter notes hostile portraits calling William indifferent to both faiths, but Prescott argues it would be strange for a leader of a religious revolution to lack convictions, suggesting his views matured over time. Certainly he possessed rare toleration: he condemned Calvinists as restless and seditious and Catholics for bigoted attachment to dogma, yet totally condemned persecution in matters of faith, holding freedom of judgment an inalienable right.
Chapter 38

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Why did the nobles oppose the new bishoprics under Philip II?
The nobles feared the new bishops would take the legislative place of abbots, who owed their election to religious houses. The new prelates, by contrast, received nomination from the crown, so the nobles saw their independence menaced by men naturally subservient to the monarch. The crown was not insensible to these advantages, as a minister's letter sneering at abbots shows.
Chapter 39
How did Philip respond to Antwerp's objection to becoming a bishopric?
Antwerp sent a commission arguing the episcopal establishment would ruin its trade through its supposed connection with the Spanish Inquisition. For a year the king would not condescend to heed the remonstrance. He finally consented to defer the decision until his arrival in the country, and Antwerp was saved from its bishop.
Chapter 39
What did Orange and Egmont complain of in their July letter to Philip?
They complained bitterly of exclusion from all business of importance in the council of state, being invited only to deliberations of no moment. This was contrary to assurances given when they reluctantly accepted office, and to Philip's command to advise him if it occurred. They also resented being held responsible by the people for measures in which they had no share.
Chapter 39

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How did Philip respond to requests to send troops to aid French Catholics?
Philip ordered the regent to raise two thousand men and send them across the border to support the French Catholics. The council of state resisted, arguing the troops could not be safely spared at home and that German Protestants might retaliate. The dispute was eventually settled by commuting personal service for money: a subsidy of fifty thousand crowns was raised and remitted at once to the French government.
Chapter 40
Why did Margaret refuse to convoke the states-general despite Orange and Egmont's urging?
Granvelle opposed summoning the states, calling the people a 'mischievous animal,' and recalled the independent tone the body had shown before Philip's embarkation. Margaret was also bound by the king's parting injunction not to call the national legislature until his return. Instead she convened the knights of the Golden Fleece in Brussels in May 1562 to seek counsel on extraordinary occasions.
Chapter 40
What tactics did Philip recommend to Margaret for handling the factious nobles?
Philip advised the regent to divide the nobles if possible by sowing seeds of jealousy among them. He suggested detaching Egmont, a staunch Catholic, loyal, ambitious, and vain, from his associates by a show of preference that would flatter his vanity while exciting jealousy and distrust in the others. The chapter notes Egmont and Orange were too closely united by common disgust with the administration for this to succeed.
Chapter 40
How did the troubles in France affect the Low Countries, and how did authorities respond?
The chapter describes Protestants as a federative republic or secret association across Europe, so a blow in one quarter vibrated to others. Huguenots sheltered in the border provinces, French tracts circulated, and crowds marched chanting Marot's Psalms. At Tournay two Calvinist preachers were tried and burned; at Valenciennes two others were condemned, but the crowd stormed the execution, freed them, and later rescued them again from prison.
Chapter 40

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Why did the nobles' first letter to Philip fail to specify charges against Granvelle?
The lords deliberately avoided particular charges, arguing the minister's general unpopularity and the country's ruin were reason enough for removal. The king seized on this omission, replying that he would not condemn a minister without knowing the grounds of accusation. The author notes this gave Philip an obvious advantage, since attacking Granvelle's acts would have meant attacking the king himself, whose orders the minister followed.
Chapter 41
How did Margaret's conduct toward Granvelle change as the crisis deepened?
Abandoned by the nobles and left alone with the man the country most abhorred, Margaret feared being buried in the minister's ruins. She appealed to the confederates and grew friendlier with Granvelle's enemies, especially Egmont, whose frank and loyal disposition won her esteem. An obvious change took place: she deferred less to Granvelle while entering more friendly relations with his opponents.
Chapter 41
What did Granvelle propose regarding Orange and the Flemings' grievances?
Granvelle told Philip the Spaniards were thought the lawful children and the Flemings illegitimate, and urged placing Flemings on equal footing, giving them lucrative posts in Spain or Italy, and perhaps bestowing the viceroyalty of Sicily on the prince of Orange. The author observes he greatly misunderstood William's character if he thought to buy him off from the opposition.
Chapter 41

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Why did Philip dismiss Granvelle from the Netherlands?
The chapter states the dismissal was by command of the sovereign, not voluntary; a recently discovered letter from Philip settles the dispute. Yet the command was extorted by necessity, given so as to save the minister's feelings and credit, and neither party expected the absence to be long or final.
Chapter 42
What advice did the duke of Alva give Philip about the Flemish troubles?
Alva urged Philip not to remove Granvelle, arguing rebellion against a prince begins with attacks on his ministers. He advised bringing all to summary justice if possible; otherwise dividing the nobles, winning Egmont by favors, and dissembling toward the greater offenders until he could give them their deserts.
Chapter 42
How does Granvelle's letter to Philip characterize Egmont and William of Orange?
Egmont is described as firm in his faith and loyally disposed, but under William's evil influence, and easy to win over by flattery and favors. William is a cunning, dangerous enemy of profound views and boundless ambition, difficult to change and impossible to control — the true leader of the revolution.
Chapter 42
What was the 'fool's cap' livery devised by Egmont, and what came of it?
At a banquet, nobles proposed modest uniform liveries; Egmont suggested dark gray with flat embroidered cloth showing a head and fool's cap resembling Granvelle and his red hat. It became the party badge, spread widely, and after the king's objection was replaced by a sheaf of arrows, said to prefigure the Seven United Provinces' device.
Chapter 42

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Why did Philip's Catholic policy meet more opposition in the Netherlands than Charles's?
The author argues Charles's zeal was tempered by reason and could accommodate circumstances, while Philip admitted no compromise, was the inexorable foe of heresy, and relied on persecution and the Inquisition. Philip's first act on landing was to assist at an auto da fé, which proclaimed his purpose and tied his name to the tribunal.
Chapter 43
What change in the Netherlands' religious landscape made Philip's legislation harder to enforce?
Under relaxed enforcement in Charles the Fifth's later days, Reformers multiplied: Calvinism predominated in Luxemburg, Artois, Flanders, and states nearest France; Holland, Zealand, and the North housed Anabaptists; Lutherans swarmed near Germany; and Antwerp held sectaries of every description, with Jews said to live unmolested. The author says this demanded very different legislation.
Chapter 43
Why did the author say Philip's foreignness increased aversion to him?
Charles was a native Fleming, and much may be forgiven in a countryman, but Philip was a Spaniard, and Spaniards were held in greatest aversion by the men of the Netherlands. The author argues it should clearly have been Philip's policy to cover this defect by consulting national prejudices and showing at least a show of confidence.
Chapter 43
What happened to Granvelle's papers before Abbé Boissot rescued them?
Granvelle left his manuscripts to heirs ignorant of their value; they reached a garret, were treated as waste paper, pilfered by children and domestics, and a considerable quantity went to a grocer who turned the statesman's correspondence into wrapping-paper for spices. Boissot gathered the survivors over eighty years after Granvelle's death.
Chapter 43

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Who led the remaining Cardinalist faction after Granvelle's departure?
The Cardinalists were headed by the viscount de Barlaimont, a Flemish noble of high rank known for integrity and loyalty to Church and crown, and President Viglius, an eminent jurist who held the presidencies of the privy council and council of state plus the great seal. Together they opposed Margaret's measures.
Chapter 44
What did Viglius and the nobles accuse each other of?
Viglius charged the great nobles with simony and extortion, claiming ecclesiastical and secular offices were sold to the highest bidder so bankrupt nobles could pay creditors, and hinted the regent was not clean. Margaret and Viglius traded accusations of peculation, including her charge that he purloined church treasures. The author notes the balance is hard to strike today.
Chapter 44
What did the nobles want regarding the council of state?
The nobles contended that the decrees of the other councils should be subject to revision by the council of state, concentrating all government authority in that body. The author argues this would place administration in an oligarchy of great Flemish nobles, breaking up Charles the Fifth's system of separate departments and amounting to a revolution.
Chapter 44
How did Philip respond to disorder and the Fabricius execution?
Philip urged Margaret to hunt out offenders and enforce laws for preserving the Faith, which he called dearest to his heart, sometimes naming suspicious individuals with details of dress and habits. The author says one cannot doubt Philip was at heart an inquisitor. Yet only seventeen suffered capitally in 1564, too few to work as a persecution.
Chapter 44

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What did Orange argue at the council of state before Egmont's mission?
Orange argued the king must be disabused of his errors about the Netherlands: the edicts must be mitigated, and neither the edicts nor the Inquisition could be executed in the present state of feeling. He called the Council of Trent equally odious, said the people would no longer endure perverted justice and wrangling councils, and urged enlarging the council of state. He added he could not understand how any prince could claim the right to interfere with subjects' consciences in religion.
Chapter 45
What did Philip tell the theologians who said he might allow Flemish freedom of worship?
Philip replied that he had not called them to learn whether he might grant this to the Flemings, but whether he must. The conclave, correcting itself, answered negatively. Philip then prostrated himself before a crucifix, imploring God to keep him in that mind, never to become or be called lord of those who reject God as their Lord. The historian heard the story from a member who admired the king's pious zeal.
Chapter 45
What were Philip's sealed instructions read at the Brussels council of state?
The instructions praised Egmont's conduct, then declared Philip would rather lose a hundred thousand lives than allow a single change in religion. He recommended a commission of three bishops and jurists to advise on instructing the people, and suggested secret methods of execution instead of public forms, which let heretics claim martyrdom. No other grievances were addressed; a letter to Margaret said he had decided nothing on the council of state.
Chapter 45
How did Egmont's countrymen react to the failure of his mission?
Orange said the count had been the dupe of Spanish cunning. Egmont felt the ridicule keenly, having boasted of the Castilian court's amiable dispositions. The people, whose expectations were more sanguine, loudly declaimed against the king's insincerity and accused Egmont of favoring his private interests; he bitterly complained this was Philip's artifice to destroy his credit and vowed to resign his offices. Persecution resumed, with executions now held secretly in prisons.
Chapter 45

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What did Philip's October 1565 letters from the Wood of Segovia decree?
Philip ordered that the Inquisition be conducted by the inquisitors as it had hitherto been, and that both his own edicts and those of his father be executed without change. He rejected mercy for penitent heretics, ordered Anabaptists punished by the rigor of the law, and told the regent and council to obey faithfully, since the country's welfare depended on executing the ordinances.
Chapter 46
How did the council of state react to Philip's absolute despatches?
Viglius reported that the council members made wry faces on learning the king's absolute will, and even Barlaimont felt the law's rigor must be suspended or mitigated. Viglius urged delay and offered to take responsibility, but Orange, backed by Egmont and Hoorne, insisted the will was clear and must be executed, prevailing with the regent.
Chapter 46
What sensation did publishing the despatches cause in the Netherlands?
A Flemish writer said the publication created a sensation little short of a declaration of war. Hopes of toleration were crushed, and people despaired, fearing the Spanish Inquisition was already among them. Crowds gathered, secret meetings and fanatical preachers appeared, and satirical and political pamphlets circulated widely among a population skilled in reading.
Chapter 46
What was the Compromise formed by discontented nobles in November 1565?
Some twenty nobles, mostly young, met at Count Culemborg's house in Brussels to hear the Calvinist preacher Junius, and formed a league set out in the paper called the Compromise. It declared the Inquisition was imposed by evil foreign counsellors against the king's oath, and bound signers to resist it with their lives and fortunes while professing loyalty to the king.
Chapter 46

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Who signed the Compromise, and which groups supported it initially?
Copies of the Compromise were distributed and eagerly signed by many petty nobles, gentry, substantial burghers, and wealthy merchants—Hames boasted of two thousand names. Many signers were Roman Catholics, and the chapter notes that this Protestant revolution initially drew important support from Catholics who set aside religious differences out of a common hatred of arbitrary power. Few or none of the great nobles or council of state signed.
Chapter 47
What did William of Orange argue in his January 1566 letter to the regent?
William wrote from Breda that reviving the edicts and Inquisition with their ancient rigor would be disastrous, especially amid food scarcity and religious agitation on the borders, and might cost the king the Netherlands. He said that rather than incur the stain of attempting it, he would resign his office to someone better able to maintain order.
Chapter 47
What did Margaret tell Philip were the two courses, and what concessions did she propose?
Margaret wrote that the choices were force or concession. Force was hampered by lack of money for troops and trustworthy officers. Concessions meant abolishing the Inquisition, modifying the edicts, and granting a free pardon to signers of the Compromise who returned to duty. She did not state her own preference but promised to execute Philip's commands faithfully.
Chapter 47
What was William of Orange's stance toward the confederates and the States-General?
William had withdrawn to Breda and did not join the confederates; he disapproved of the league and reportedly used his authority to prevent violent measures like seizing Antwerp. He wanted the king to summon the States-General so the legislature could remonstrate and lay grievances before the throne without exceeding constitutional limits, rather than force the king by hostile action.
Chapter 47

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What did the confederates' petition ask Margaret to do about the Inquisition and edicts?
The petition beseeched Margaret to lay the matter before the king and implore him to abolish both the Inquisition and the edicts instantly. It also asked her to urge Philip to convoke the states-general and to suspend execution of the religious laws until the king's pleasure was known. The document was temperate in tone, and Prescott suggests the hand of the prudent prince of Orange in its drafting.
Chapter 48
How did Orange and Hoorne respond when Margaret reminded them of their oaths to the king?
They boldly replied that they would willingly lay down their lives for their country, but would never draw sword for the edicts or the Inquisition. Earlier in the debate William complained his enemies had the royal ear and would persuade the king to kill him and confiscate his property, and he asked leave to resign his offices.
Chapter 48
What was Margaret's written answer to the confederates on April 6?
She promised to use her influence with Philip to persuade him to accede to their wishes, relying on his 'natural and accustomed benignity.' She said she had prepared a scheme for moderating the edicts with her council and the Golden Fleece, but had no power to suspend the laws herself. She would instruct the inquisitors to proceed with discretion until the king's pleasure was known.
Chapter 48
What did the confederates claim Margaret had assured them, and what does Prescott note?
In their written reply of April 8, the confederates thanked her for assuring them that proceedings connected with the Inquisition and edicts would be stayed until the king's pleasure was known. Prescott notes parenthetically that she never did give that assurance. They also said they would conform to whatever the king, with the advice and consent of the states-general, should determine on religion.
Chapter 48

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What did the name 'Gueux' come to signify to the confederates?
The name 'Gueux' became the rallying term for the confederates, understood to mean those opposed to the government and, in a wiser sense, to the Roman Catholic religion. Prescott notes the French term was employed in Latin, German, Spanish, and English histories to designate this party of malecontents in the Netherlands.
Chapter 49
What was the 'Gueux penny' and its inscriptions?
The Gueux penny was a gold or silver coin hung from the neck as a badge. One side bore Philip's effigy with 'Fidèles au roi' (Faithful to the king); the other showed two hands grasping a beggar's wallet with 'jusques à porter la besace' (Faithful even to carrying the wallet). Confederates also adopted carved staffs, inlaid bowls, and mendicant dress.
Chapter 49
Why did the people call the regent's compromise 'murderation'?
The compromise denounced the death penalty on all ministers and teachers of the reformed religion and all who harbored them, though it greatly mitigated punishment for other offenders. Its few sanguinary features led the people sneeringly to rename it 'murderation' instead of 'moderation.' The king found it too lenient, the people too severe, and it never received royal sanction.
Chapter 49
How did the Calvinists spread their doctrines before public preaching?
Calvinist head-quarters were in Flanders, Hainault, Artois, and provinces near France, where French Huguenots and banished Flemings labored. The press produced vindications, polemical tracts, and satires against Rome, distributed by peddlers and travelling tinkers to humble firesides. This prepared the ground for ministers whose public preaching soon caused a great sensation.
Chapter 49

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Why did Margaret hesitate to send the prince of Orange to Antwerp?
Margaret hesitated because she had learned to regard William with distrust, believing he was assuming an increasingly unfriendly attitude toward her brother, Philip. The Antwerp magistrates had requested Orange, the city's burgrave with unbounded popular influence, to restore order. With no alternative, Margaret asked him to transfer his residence to the disorderly capital, though William himself, disgusted with public affairs, accepted the commission only reluctantly.
Chapter 50
How did Orange handle the Calvinists in Antwerp?
Orange conducted affairs so discreetly as to bring about a better understanding between the authorities and citizens, and even prevailed on the Calvinists to lay aside their arms. He found more difficulty persuading them to relinquish the design of appropriating some place of worship within the walls. Only when William called in the aid of the military to support him did he compel them to yield.
Chapter 50
What did the confederates demand at the meeting of St. Trond?
At St. Trond, two thousand confederates under Count Louis and Brederode sought means for their personal security, fearing they were held responsible for recent religious movements and alarmed by rumors of military preparations against them. All agreed to demand a guaranty from the government, but most now went further, demanding absolute toleration in religion. A few staunch Catholics, including young Count Mansfeldt, withdrew from the league in disgust.
Chapter 50
How did Philip respond to warnings about Orange's disloyalty?
Despite reports such as Armenteros's letter warning that Orange was preparing to defend himself against the king, Philip betrayed no consciousness of unfriendly temper in the nobles. He wrote to Orange expressing full confidence in his loyalty and services, urging that this was no time for men like him to withdraw from public affairs. William was not duped, saying Philip, resolved to deceive all, began by deceiving his sister.
Chapter 50

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What concessions did Philip grant Margaret regarding the Inquisition and the edicts?
Philip was content that the Inquisition be abolished in the Netherlands and replaced by inquisitorial powers vested in the bishops. He disliked Margaret's plan of Moderation and doubted any plan short of toleration would satisfy the people, but told her to prepare another scheme maintaining the Catholic faith and his authority, to be submitted to him. He also allowed a general pardon, excepting those already condemned, on condition the nobles abandon the league.
Chapter 51
What secret protest did Philip make after sending his concessions to Margaret?
While the ink was scarcely dry on the despatches, Philip summoned a notary and, before the duke of Alva and two jurists, solemnly protested that his authority to the regent regarding a general pardon was not of his own free will. He declared he did not feel bound by it and reserved the right to punish the guilty, especially the authors and abettors of sedition in the Low Countries.
Chapter 51
Why did Philip refuse to summon the states-general, and how was Margaret to present this?
Philip wrote that he had given the summoning of the states-general patient consideration and was satisfied Margaret had done right in refusing to call them. She must not consent, and he never would consent, knowing too well where it must lead. Yet she was not to report his decision in absolute, peremptory terms, but as intended merely for the present occasion, so the people might hope to obtain their object later.
Chapter 51
What did Pius V do to the three Italian scholars at the start of his pontificate?
Pius V demanded that three Italian scholars from Milan, Venice, and Tuscany — eminent for piety and service to letters but suspected of too liberal opinions in faith — be delivered into his hands. The three states complied, and the men were delivered to the Holy Office, condemned, and burned at the stake. The chapter calls this one of the first acts of his pontificate, proclaiming him the uncompromising foe of heresy.
Chapter 51

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What did the rioters do to the cathedral's great organ and altars in Antwerp?
The rioters scaled the great organ, renowned throughout the Netherlands for its size and workmanship, and reduced it to a heap of rubbish. They overthrew the cathedral's seventy altars one by one, stripped their embroidered coverings, and took the gold and silver vessels. Sacramental bread was trodden underfoot, wine drunk from chalices, and holy oil used to anoint shoes and sandals.
Chapter 52
How many rioters destroyed Antwerp's cathedral, and how long did the whole devastation take?
The whole number engaged is said not to have exceeded a hundred men, women, and boys, with women of the lowest description dressed in men's attire. Working by candlelight until midnight, they completed the cathedral's destruction. The wider devastation across the land occupied less than a fortnight, and four hundred churches were sacked in Flanders alone.
Chapter 52
How did the regent Margaret respond to Egmont's advice about religion versus the state?
Egmont urged that they first provide for the security of the state and think of religion afterward. Margaret replied warmly that the service of God demands first care, since the ruin of religion would be a greater evil than the loss of the country. Egmont answered coolly that those with anything to lose would probably think differently, which greatly displeased her.
Chapter 52
What happened to the rioters after the cathedral was destroyed, and how were the disorders finally repressed?
They sallied forth singing Psalms and crying 'Vivent les Gueux!', bursting open other churches until morning. The violence continued three days without resistance. Later, some knights of the Golden Fleece with followers and citizens forced their way into the cathedral, arrested ten or twelve rioters, and dispersed the rest, while a gallows warned of their fate.
Chapter 52

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What agreement did the confederate nobles make with the regent Margaret?
On the twenty-fifth of the month, the confederate nobles signed an agreement and swore to aid the regent in suppressing the country's disorders and bringing their authors to justice. They also agreed that, so long as the regent stayed true to the compact, the league would be considered null and void.
Chapter 53
How did William of Orange settle the religious dispute at Antwerp?
William investigated the late tumult, hanged three ringleaders, and banished three others. After long negotiation with the sectaries who held all the churches, he arranged that they keep six churches and return the rest to the Catholics. The arrangement satisfied the citizens, but the regent denounced it as compromising Catholicism and ordered him to revoke it.
Chapter 53
How did Egmont's response to the sectaries differ from William's?
Egmont was too staunch a Catholic to approve such concessions. In Flanders and Artois, where his authority was unbounded, he made a severe scrutiny into the tumult's causes and dealt with its authors so sternly that the reformed party complained, and some fled the provinces and went beyond sea.
Chapter 53
How did the league's influence decline after the iconoclast outbreak?
Catholic members who had wanted only reform of abuses left the league, especially after the iconoclast outbreak. The confederates lost popular trust through their arrangement with the regent, which secured their own safety, and their readiness to help prosecute the rioters. Deserted by members, distrusted by Reformers, and detested by the regent, the league ceased to exert much influence.
Chapter 53

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How did William of Orange obtain secret information about Philip's court?
William paid secret agents in Madrid who reported what passed at court and even in Philip's cabinet. They transmitted extracts and sometimes full copies of Philip's correspondence with Margaret to the prince. William reportedly declared that no word of Philip's, public or private, failed to reach his ears. He also maintained a similar system of espionage in Paris.
Chapter 54
What did Alava's intercepted letter to Margaret reveal about Philip's plans?
Alava, the Spanish minister at the French court, wrote that Madrid understood the great nobles to be behind the troubles in Flanders. The king was levying a strong force to visit the country and call the three lords to a heavy reckoning. He advised the duchess to be on her guard without betraying her awareness by any change in deportment.
Chapter 54
Why did Egmont refuse to join the armed resistance at Dendermonde?
Egmont was too loyal at heart to adopt the attitude of rebellion. He had a large family of children who would be left helpless by a disastrous revolution. He also remembered Philip's benign reception of him in Spain and trusted, unhappily, in the monarch's favorable dispositions. His popularity with the troops made his cooperation vital, so the conference broke up without a determination.
Chapter 54
What were William's religious views and how did they change?
William was raised a Lutheran by his father but conformed to Catholicism at the Castilian court from age eleven. During the Netherlands troubles he turned to the Reformation, moved by the persecution of Protestants and by his Lutheran wife, mother, and siblings. He wished Calvinists and Lutherans would unite on common ground. His November 1566 letter to the landgrave of Hesse is the earliest evidence of his conversion.
Chapter 54

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Why did Margaret refuse to receive Brederode's petition in person?
Margaret had had enough of petitions. When Brederode proposed to bring a petition at the head of four hundred knights, she bluntly informed him that if he came in that guise he would find the gates of Brussels shut against him. The petition was instead laid before her by an agent, and it remonstrated against her course as at variance with her promises, especially the limitation of her license for public preaching.
Chapter 55
How did Margaret's February 1567 reply dismiss the league and its claims?
Margaret published an answer on February 16, 1567, expressing surprise that the league was mentioned, since she supposed it had ceased to exist after many members made peace with the government. She denied that her license for public preaching authorized sectaries to lay taxes, levy troops, create magistrates, or perform marriages transferring property, and hinted petitioners should mind their own affairs.
Chapter 55
What happened to Thoulouse's force at Austruweel?
Thoulouse, brother of St. Aldegonde, landed about two thousand men at Austruweel near Antwerp and raided the countryside. Margaret sent Launoy with Walloons, ordering extermination by fire and sword. After stout resistance the insurgents were driven into their defences, which were set on fire; Thoulouse perished in the flames, others drowned or were lanced in the Scheldt. Fifteen hundred were slain, and Launoy massacred nearly all three hundred prisoners.
Chapter 55
How did the prince of Orange prevent bloodshed in Antwerp?
Orange had closed the gates and broken a bridge to cut communication with Thoulouse's camp, then faced a Calvinist mob of over ten thousand. He stationed guards on the mint and Hôtel de Ville, rallied Catholics, Lutherans, merchants and foreigners, and next morning faced the Calvinists in arms. Crossing to their ranks, he warned that if a single drop of blood were shed he would hold them as enemies; they agreed to an accommodation, including no garrison in the city.
Chapter 55

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Why did the people of Valenciennes hold out against Noircarmes' envoys?
They were fortified by the promises of their leaders and had a blind confidence in their own resources, which had hitherto proved effectual. They therefore held lightly both the arguments and offers of the envoys, who returned to Noircarmes' camp disgusted at the failure of their mission, leaving no room for further delay before active operations.
Chapter 56
What terms did Noircarmes give the deputies who sought to capitulate?
The deputies said the city would capitulate on the terms earlier proposed by the Flemish nobles. Noircarmes contemptuously replied that things were not now as they then were, and that it was not his wont to talk of terms with a fallen enemy. The deputies returned discomfited, and the bombardment continued without pause.
Chapter 56
What happened at Valenciennes after the batteries opened fire?
In thirty-six hours three thousand bombs were thrown into the city, considered scarcely less than a miracle in that day. A practicable breach was made after thirty-two more hours, and the people, their leader having fled, surrendered at discretion. On April 2, 1567, after a four-month siege, the victorious army marched in.
Chapter 56
Why did William of Orange refuse the oath Margaret imposed?
He wrote that taking it would imply he had already violated his prior oath, and it might bind him to act against his conscience and the true interests of the king and country. He offered to surrender his commissions and withdraw from the Netherlands, and told Berty he might be forced to denounce his own family, even his wife, as Lutherans.
Chapter 56

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Why did Philip object to Margaret's May 24 edict?
The king found the edict "indecorous, illegal, and altogether repugnant to the true spirit of Christianity" and ordered it revoked, which Margaret did on July 23. Prescott notes the royal indignation arose not from severity but from leniency: the edict never denounced private worship, so a man might remain a heretic at heart at his own fireside. This did not satisfy the Inquisition, whose jealous eye penetrated into houses and hearts.
Chapter 57
What happened to William's eldest son when William left for Germany?
On the last of April William departed for Germany, taking his household except his eldest son, the count of Buren, a boy of thirteen studying at Louvain. William perhaps trusted to Brabant's immunities or the youth's tender age for protection, but if so he miscalculated grievously: Philip had the boy transferred to Madrid and educated under the monarch's eye in religious and political sentiments little in harmony with his father's.
Chapter 57
How did Egmont try to make amends for his past conduct?
Egmont rode through the land at the head of his troops, breaking up the consistories, arresting rioters, and reestablishing Catholic worship everywhere. He declared that those who would remain his friends must give unequivocal proofs of loyalty to the crown and the Roman Catholic faith. Some former intimates, disgusted, returned his letters and demanded their own back. Margaret reported his conduct as impossible not to be satisfied with, and he entered into court festivities at Brussels.
Chapter 57
What did Margaret do to Antwerp's churches and Protestants after occupying the city?
Margaret had four ringleaders executed in the market-place. She then had the reformed party's churches levelled, restored the purified Romish churches to their occupants, closed Protestant schools, had children baptized with Protestant rites re-baptized as Catholics, and interdicted reformed worship throughout the city. Earlier she had allowed all not implicated in the riots to leave with their effects, and great numbers departed, separating families.
Chapter 57

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Why did Margaret become alarmed by the emigration from the Netherlands?
Margaret initially welcomed emigration as a way to rid the land of enemies, but became alarmed when she saw it drawing off a large portion of the industrious population. Emigrants fled to France, Germany, and England, where Elizabeth provided them homes, knowing their skill in mechanic arts would benefit her kingdom more than gold and silver.
Chapter 58
Why could Margaret not halt the emigration with promises of grace?
Margaret would have stayed the emigration by promises of grace, if not a general amnesty, but though she had power to punish, Philip had not given her the power to pardon. The author notes such promises would have availed little anyway, since the emigrants were fleeing from dread of Alva.
Chapter 58
What did Margaret complain about in her letters to Philip?
Margaret resented Alva's intended mission, knowing his imperious temper meant the real power would lodge in his hands despite her titles. She called it a poor requital for her services and an indignity. In an April letter she complained of restrictions on her authority and another taking the credit, and asked to retire to a tranquil life.
Chapter 58
What did the author argue about the supposed tranquillity of the Netherlands?
The author argues that Margaret and later historians sincerely believed the troubles were composed, such that but for Alva there would have been no revolution. Yet he suggests a Fleming might doubt Orange would resign his heritage without a blow, and might think elements beneath the soil would burst forth with redoubled violence.
Chapter 58

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What was the size and composition of Alva's army at the rendezvous?
About ten thousand men in all, of whom fewer than thirteen hundred were cavalry. The infantry were mostly Spanish veterans who had served under Charles the Fifth, many trained under Alva himself. Alva preferred this compact, disciplined force to a larger but unwieldy army, since he needed speed for a rapid march across the mountains.
Chapter 59
How did Alva organize his army for the march?
He formed the troops into three divisions, separated by a day's march, so each division took at night the quarters the previous one had used the night before. This eased subsistence on the long journey. Alva himself led the van. He dispensed with artillery to avoid encumbering his passage over the mountains.
Chapter 59
What novel firearm tactic did Alva employ on the march?
Each company of foot was flanked by soldiers carrying heavy muskets with rests attached. Such firearms, cumbrous and previously used only in defending fortresses, proved efficient for field service with portable rests. They came into general use after this period, and their introduction by Alva is regarded as an event of some importance in the history of military art.
Chapter 59
How did Alva's troops behave on the march, and how was discipline enforced?
The march was accomplished with scarcely a disorderly act: no property plundered, no peasant's hut violated, cattle and flocks unmolested. When three troopers stole sheep in Lorraine, Alva sentenced all to the gallows; at the duke of Lorraine's intercession, one selected by lot was executed. The author notes such discipline was conspicuous in an age when soldier meant marauder.
Chapter 59

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Why did Alva insist on a Spanish garrison in Brussels, and how did he justify the odium?
Alva argued Brussels was the royal residence and its quiet could only be secured by a garrison. When Margaret objected energetically, he remained inflexible, telling her that if people murmured she could say he was a headstrong man bent on having his own way, and that he was willing to take all the odium of the measure on himself.
Chapter 60
How did Alva lure Count Hoorne to Brussels, and why did Hoogstraten escape the trap?
Alva and his son Ferdinand wrote Hoorne friendly invitations, and Alva told the count's secretary he had always been his friend and had that to say which would content him—an assurance with terrible significance. Hoorne yielded. Hoogstraten was not so fortunate for Alva: his good genius, or the counsel of Orange, kept him in Germany.
Chapter 60
How were Egmont and Hoorne arrested at Culemborg House?
On September 9 the council of state met at Culemborg House, with Egmont and Hoorne present. Guards were posted and cavalry drawn up. After word came of the arrests of Backerzele and Van Stralen, Alva broke up the meeting; Sancho Davila demanded Egmont's sword in the king's name, and Hoorne was drawn into a similar ambuscade with Ferdinand de Toledo. Neither resisted.
Chapter 60
What earlier anecdotes shaped Flemish opinion of Alva before his arrival?
In Germany, Alva insisted on the Castilian grandee's privilege of wearing his hat before his sovereign, scandalizing the German nobles, and had to waive it. At Ghent, asked how to deal with the rebellious city, he answered 'Raze it to the ground!'; Charles rebuked him with a pun on Gand and gant. The story, true or not, circulated in Flanders and had its effect.
Chapter 60

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What did Alva do when Count Mansfeldt invoked the rights of the Toison d'Or?
Mansfeldt protested the arrest of the lords as a violation of the rights of the Toison d'Or, whose members alone had cognizance of causes concerning their order, and hinted he would summon a meeting. Alva silenced him, warning that if the chevaliers met and said so much as the credo he would bring them to a heavy reckoning, and declaring that his majesty had pronounced on the order's rights and nothing remained but submission.
Chapter 61
Why was Margaret of Parma offended by the arrest of the two lords?
The arrest and imprisonment of the two highest nobles, members of the council of state, without any communication with her, was an affront to the regent she could not brook. Alva excused it as done by the king's order, to spare her the unpopularity. She did not complain but wrote to Philip asking whether it was advantageous or decorous for her to remain where her authority was so abridged or annihilated, and threatened to leave if he did not reply.
Chapter 61
What was the Council of Blood, and how did its procedure favor conviction?
Alva created a new tribunal with extraordinary powers to investigate the late disorders, called the Council of his Excellency, then of Tumults, known as the Council of Blood. Twelve judges sat, including Del Rio and Vargas. Provincial authorities tried cases and sent sentences to the committee for the provinces, then to Vargas and Del Rio, who alone voted; the duke made the final decision. Death sentences were approved without review; lighter ones were returned for revision.
Chapter 61
What did Granvelle say on hearing Egmont and Hoorne were arrested?
When informed of the arrest of Egmont and Hoorne, the old statesman Granvelle asked whether the duke had also drawn into his net the Silent one, as the prince of Orange was popularly called. On being answered in the negative, he said that if Alva had not caught him, he had caught nothing. The author presents this as evidence of Granvelle's penetration compared with those around him.
Chapter 61

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What did Philip suggest to Alva about raising supplies without the states' consent?
In a handwritten note, Philip remarked that Alva's plan was just, but feared supplies would never be raised with the consent of the states. He told Alva to devise some expedient by which their consent might be dispensed with, and to communicate it privately to him. Prescott notes the king later develops this thought more fully in a letter to the duke.
Chapter 62
Why did Alva object to a general pardon for the Netherlands?
Margaret urged her brother to grant a general pardon, satisfied that enough blood had been shed. Alva strongly objected, writing to Philip that every man should feel his house might fall about his ears any day. Thus private individuals would be induced to pay larger sums as composition for their offences.
Chapter 62
What happened to William of Orange's eldest son, the count of Buren?
Alva had the count of Buren, William's eldest son, then studying at Louvain, removed from the university and sent to Spain, with his tutor and several domestics. Alva advised the king to replace these attendants with Spaniards. The plan appears to have originated with Granvelle. The youth was kindly treated by Philip and grew so attached to Church and crown that he was ever after divorced from his father's cause.
Chapter 62
How did Alva respond to Catherine de Medicis's reluctance to crush the Huguenots?
Alva offered to march himself with five thousand horse and fifteen thousand foot, Spanish veterans included, if Catherine would finish at once with the enemies of their religion. He urged her to make no concessions, spiritual or temporal, saying it was better to reign over a ruined land true to God and king than one left unharmed for the Devil and heretics. Philip heartily approved.
Chapter 62

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Why did the provinces react to Margaret's abdication with dismay?
The provinces forgot her duplicity and recent harshness, remembering instead the prosperity under her rule, her earlier trust in the friends of the people, and her efforts to soften Madrid's hard policy. Cities sent addresses of regret, and Brabant voted her 25,000 florins while Flanders gave 30,000. Even Elizabeth of England and neighboring princes expressed respect and regret at her departure.
Chapter 63
What disadvantages did Margaret face in governing the Netherlands?
The author argues Margaret never fully held Philip's confidence; he favored Granvelle and later Alva, left her letters unanswered, and gave only dark hints of policy. She lacked money, arms, and the power to pardon, while the people demanded concessions and Philip refused them. The author calls her position deplorable and says she stayed too long out of love of power.
Chapter 63
How did Margaret's policy change after the iconoclast revolt?
The Compromise, the league, and especially the iconoclast explosion opened Margaret's eyes. Zealous for the Catholic Church like Philip, she saw it trembling and underwent a complete change, repudiating former allies and embracing Philip's stern policy. She proscribed, persecuted, and punished with excessive rigor. The author says it was too late: Philip's distrust remained and Alva was already appointed.
Chapter 63
What did Philip's 1568 edict against the Netherlands decree?
Philip submitted the case to the Inquisition at Madrid, which convicted of treason all guilty of heresy, apostasy, or sedition, plus Catholics who offered no resistance, except a few named individuals. A royal edict of February 16 sentenced the whole nation, without distinction of sex or age, to death and confiscation, 'without any hope of grace whatever.' The author doubts so impolitic an act.
Chapter 63

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How did Alva's persecution extend beyond executions to punish the living and the dead?
Alva imposed perpetual exile and confiscation on all who fled, and even pursued the dead, as with the marquis of Bergen, whose estates were confiscated on a treason charge after his death. His agents inventoried suspect property everywhere, and single sentences sometimes condemned eighty to a hundred and thirty-five persons, as at Amsterdam. The author notes that persecution driven by avarice is even more odious than that from fanaticism.
Chapter 64
How did Philip respond to Emperor Maximilian's plea for a milder policy in the Netherlands?
Maximilian, in the name of the electors, urged Philip to win hearts rather than drive subjects to extremity, noting the Netherlands' rights as part of the Germanic body. Philip replied that his actions were for the provinces' repose and defense of the Catholic faith, that he could have finished the business in a day had he respected justice less, and that he would not act otherwise though the world fell in ruins.
Chapter 64

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Why did Aremberg abandon his prudent plan and give battle at Heyligerlee?
Aremberg knew the ground was difficult and wanted to wait for Count Megen's cavalry reinforcement. But his Spanish infantry, contemptuous of the disorderly rebel levies and refusing obedience to a Flemish commander, openly accused him of treachery. Stung by their reproaches, he surrendered his own judgment to his soldiers' demands, crying that they should soon see if he were a traitor, and marched against the enemy.
Chapter 65
What terrain and position did Louis of Nassau choose before Heyligerlee, and how did it shape the fight?
Louis declined battle against a superior foe and took an uncommonly strong position: the convent of Heyligerlee stood in his rear behind a thick wood, land sloped in front toward an extensive morass, his infantry on the left was partly screened by a hill, and his cavalry under Adolphus was posted on the right to strike the enemy's flank. The Spanish infantry became entangled in the morass and emerged spent and disordered.
Chapter 65
What losses and trophies resulted from the battle of Heyligerlee?
Sixteen hundred of the enemy were left dead on the field. The victors captured nine pieces of artillery, large quantities of ammunition and military stores, Aremberg's rich service of plate, and a considerable sum of money recently received to pay the soldiers' arrears. Aremberg himself was mortally wounded; his corpse, disfigured by wounds, was recognized by the insignia of the Golden Fleece, which Louis sent to his brother as a trophy.
Chapter 65
How did Alva respond to the defeat, and what did he do before his campaign?
Alva was indignant, seeing the loss as mainly due to his own soldiers' misconduct, and feared the rebels' success would raise Friesland and let Orange unite with his victorious brother. He resolved to concentrate his forces and march in person. Before departing, on May 28 he had Orange, Louis, and their companions sentenced to perpetual banishment with estates confiscated, and razed the Hôtel de Culemborg, raising a column denouncing the conspiracy.
Chapter 65

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What legal right did Egmont and Hoorne claim as knights of the Golden Fleece?
They claimed the right, guaranteed by the order's statutes that Philip himself had ratified, to be tried only by their peers—the knights of the Golden Fleece. Their counsel argued that trial by the Council of Blood was itself equivalent to a condemnation, and pressed to have the cause removed to a court of the order.
Chapter 66
How did Philip respond to intercessions on behalf of Egmont and Hoorne?
Philip was wearied by the importunities but did not waver. He ordered Alva to press the trial forward, saying all should be made so clear that the world might be satisfied of its justice. He also assured Alva that learned men had confirmed treason did not fall under the Golden Fleece's cognizance, and sent letters patent empowering the duke to try the cause.
Chapter 66
What did the attorney-general's articles of accusation against Egmont chiefly charge?
The ninety articles chiefly charged Egmont with conspiring with William and the banished lords to shake off Spanish rule and divide the government. He was accused of warring on Granvelle, resisting the Inquisition, urging the states-general, encouraging the sectaries, and abetting the nobles' confederacy. The first article was the key to all the rest.
Chapter 66
Why did Alva's court deny the prisoners' claim to be tried by the Golden Fleece?
Alva had foreseen the embarrassment and asked Philip to settle the matter. Philip replied that men of authority and learning, after full examination, confirmed the earlier decision that the case of treason did not come within the cognizance of the Toison d'Or. Letters patent empowered the duke to try the cause, and a formal decree forbade further applications to transfer it.
Chapter 66

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What 1531 law did Viglius dismiss in the Egmont and Hoorne case?
A law passed under Emperor Charles the Fifth in 1531 provided that no knight of the Golden Fleece could be arrested or tried for any offense by any body other than the members of his own order. Philip himself solemnly confirmed this statute in 1550. Viglius set it aside as of no force, claiming it was in contempt of all precedents and statutes, a position that Arschot and Barlaimont openly opposed.
Chapter 67
Why does Prescott call Alva's court illegal?
Prescott argues the court had no warrant for its existence except Alva's will. Its judges were foreigners, contrary to the law of the land, and the presiding officer was not even necessarily present at the trials of the causes on which he alone was to pass sentence. Prescott adds that whatever the rights of the Toison d'Or, the illegality of this court is beyond doubt.
Chapter 67
What did Peter d'Arset conclude about the charges against Egmont?
Peter d'Arset, president of Artois and an original member of the Council of Troubles who had retired before the trial, examined the papers and returned a long Latin answer. Going over the accusation article by article, he showed the insufficiency of proof on every charge and, by argument and legal reference, fully established the accused's innocence. Prescott says this independent opinion found too little favor with Alva to be cited as authority.
Chapter 67
What did Egmont do and say after hearing his sentence?
Egmont turned pale and said it was a terrible sentence, that he feared not death but dishonor, and hoped his sufferings would spare his innocent family from confiscation. Told there was no hope, he confessed, received communion, wrote farewell letters to his wife and to Philip, and sent the king a valuable ring Philip had given him. He asked the bishop whether to speak on the scaffold, but the bishop discouraged it.
Chapter 67

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How did Count Hoorne react when told of his execution?
Hoorne received the news with less patience than Egmont, bursting into indignation at the cruelty and injustice of the sentence. He called it a poor requital for twenty-eight years of faithful service to his sovereign, though he added he was not sorry to be released from a life of such incessant fatigue. He at first refused to confess, saying he had done enough in that way, but consented when urged not to waste his remaining moments.
Chapter 68
What did Hoorne declare on the scaffold about offenses against God and king?
On the scaffold Hoorne repeated his declaration that, often as he had offended his Maker, he had never to his knowledge committed any offense against the king. Seeing the bloody shroud covering Egmont's remains, he asked if it were his friend's body, made a remark in Castilian that was not understood, prayed briefly and quietly, asked pardon of bystanders and their prayers, then knelt and said 'In manus tuas, Domine.'
Chapter 68
How did the Brussels crowd treat the coffins of Egmont and Hoorne?
The bodies were placed in lead coffins, Egmont's taken to the convent of Santa Clara and Hoorne's to St. Gudule. People flocked there as to a martyr's shrine, throwing themselves on the coffin, kissing it and bedewing it with tears as if it held a murdered saint's relics. Many, heedless of informers, breathed vows of vengeance, some swearing not to trim hair or beard until those vows were executed.
Chapter 68
What does Prescott argue about Egmont's character and his failure?
Prescott argues Egmont acted from generous impulse rather than settled principle, unlike William of Orange, who calculated consequences. His fame from two victories turned his head and placed him above his capacity to maintain. Pulled between loyalty, Catholic devotion, and vanity, he appeared weak and vacillating, hesitating where he should have acted, then throwing himself on the monarch's mercy. Prescott compares him to an unskilful necromancer unable to lay the storm he raised.
Chapter 68

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What did Philip reply to requests to restore Egmont's estates to his family?
German princes, the elector of Bavaria, and the emperor's ambassador at Madrid all urged restitution of Egmont's estates. Philip coolly replied that "the time for this had not yet come." Meanwhile Alva paid the countess a moderate annual pension. She survived her husband ten years without seeing her children gain their patrimony; her eldest son later joined the war against Spain, was forgiven, and three years afterward recovered his ancestors' honors and estates.
Chapter 69
How did Egmont's execution affect Germany and the prince of Orange's cause?
The author argues Alva badly misjudged the execution's effects. Abroad, the elector of Bavaria threw his whole weight behind Orange and the reform party, and other German princes followed. Maximilian's ambassador at Madrid told Philip that the indignation the execution of the two nobles caused throughout Germany had wonderfully served Orange's designs. So the blow meant to crush dissent instead strengthened it beyond Spain's borders.
Chapter 69
What did Alva predict about the Flemish people in his letters to Philip?
Alva wrote that the people of the country were of so easy a temper that, when the king granted a general pardon, his clemency would make them as prompt to render obedience as they were now reluctant. The author argues the haughty soldier, contemptuous of peaceful burgher habits, understood as little as his master the true character of the men of the Netherlands.
Chapter 69
Why were Bergen and Montigny unable to return to the Netherlands?
The two Flemings were sent to Madrid in 1566 to urge a more lenient policy. After news of the iconoclast outbreak, the king's mood turned to vengeance, their access to him shrank, and their mission ended. Philip, advised by Granvelle that both had fostered the troubles, told them he needed their presence longer to advise on Flanders. They were never to return; the author says the veil was lifted only through the Archives of Simancas.
Chapter 69

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How was Montigny's escape plot at Segovia discovered?
Montigny planned to file through his window bars and descend by rope ladder, with relays of horses to Santander and a shallop to St. Jean de Luz. Escape materials were smuggled in daily bread loaves. The plot was betrayed when his maître d'hôtel failed to send one loaf containing directions and names; a soldier found the paper and took it to the captain of the guard.
Chapter 70
How did Philip decide Montigny should be executed, and why?
Philip rejected slow poison, which ministers favored, as not fulfilling what he called the ends of justice. He chose the garrote, the execution used for meaner criminals in Spain, because death by suffocation would be less likely to leave traces on the body. To hide it, Montigny was moved from Segovia to the secluded fortress of Simancas.
Chapter 70
What did Alva do to the Flemings whose lives Philip spared after the escape plot?
Philip allowed the sentence to take effect on the Spaniards but reprieved the Flemings, saying their act was somewhat excusable as service to their master, and they might furnish testimony against Montigny. After prison they returned to the Low Countries with letters from Montigny, but Alva had them arrested on landing and banished them all under pain of death if they returned.
Chapter 70

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How was Montigny executed, and what did Philip present as a mercy?
Montigny was strangled in secret in his cell at Simancas around two o'clock on the morning of October 16, by an executioner brought by the alcalde and governor. Philip claimed, purely out of benignity, to mitigate the sentence by sparing Montigny a public death, thus saving his honor and suggesting he had died a natural death.
Chapter 71
What did Montigny do to counter rumors he had embraced Reformation doctrines?
Greatly disturbed by reports that he had been shaken in his religious principles, Montigny drew up with his own hand a brief confession of faith avowing implicit belief in all articles sanctioned by the Roman Catholic Church and its head, the Vicar of Christ, as fully as Pius the Fifth could desire. The Dominican at his side declared him as good a Catholic as he could wish.
Chapter 71
What did Alva's March 1571 sentence against Montigny's memory declare?
On March 22, 1571, Alva condemned the memory of Montigny as guilty of high treason and confiscated his goods and estates to the crown, the instrument stating that Montigny had deceased by natural death in the fortress of Simancas. Prescott calls the Council of Blood proceedings more flagrant than usual, and says it would abuse language to call this a judicial murder.
Chapter 71

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What does Prescott say Groen van Prinsterer's editorial work accomplishes?
The author praises Groen for adhering scrupulously to the original texts, presenting letters in their various original languages, and skillfully filling the gaps between correspondence to form a well-compacted fabric. He also credits Groen with gathering information from collateral contemporary sources and, despite not concealing his own religious opinions, rendering justice to others' views and executing his task with impartiality.
Chapter 72
What peculiarity does Prescott notice in the criticisms of both Groen and Gachard?
The author notes that both critics show solicitude to place the most favorable construction on Philip's conduct and to vindicate his memory from wholesale charges of systematically attempting to overturn the liberties of the Netherlands. Prescott finds this remarkable given the nations to which they belong, and says the reader will admire their candor even without always feeling the cogency of their arguments.
Chapter 72
How does Prescott contrast chronological and subject-based methods of writing history?
The author says chronological history suits simple, continuous action like biography, but becomes tedious when events are complicated and wide-ranging, since the reader is hurried between scenes and retains only scraps. Later historians therefore prefer a more philosophical approach, treating events by subject so the reader grasps one action, its causes and consequences, before moving on.
Chapter 72
What was the Ottoman devshirme-like conscription of Christian children and what did it produce?
Once in five years, children of Christian parents who had reached age seven and showed promise of mind or body were taken from their homes to the capital. The strongest were sent to Asia Minor for severe military training, forming the janizaries; others were schooled in the capital for the sultan's bodyguard or civil careers. Taken young, they were won over to Islam and became devoted to the sultan.
Chapter 72

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Who were the Barbary corsairs and what did they do?
The corsairs were Moslem chiefs ruling North African port towns such as Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, some acknowledging only qualified allegiance to the sultan. Profiting by their maritime position, they seized unprotected merchantmen and raided the coasts of Andalusia and Valencia, sacking villages and carrying inhabitants off into slavery.
Chapter 73
How did the Castilian government defend against the corsairs?
Castile established fortified posts along the shores and watch-towers on the heights to signal an enemy's approach, and kept a fleet of galleys on duty off the coast to intercept the corsairs. Expeditions were occasionally sent to sweep the Barbary shores or batter the pirates' strongholds. Tuscany, Rome, Naples, Sicily, Genoa, and the Knights of St. John also joined these maritime wars.
Chapter 73
What happened to the Spanish expedition against Tripoli?
Philip ordered the duke of Medina Celi to fit out an armament in spring 1559, but preparations delayed it until late October. A tempest scattered the fleet, and disease from bad Genoese provisions killed nearly a third of the men at Malta. Medina Celi then attacked Jerbah instead, and the Turkish fleet under Piali routed the Christians, who fled.
Chapter 73
Why did religious hatred extend to the Moriscos of Spain?
The author argues that the fierce contests with the Barbary pirates bred keener hostility in Spaniards than their earlier wars with the Arabs, and this religious hatred extended to the Morisco population on the southern borders. Suspicion of secret correspondence between the Moriscos and their brethren on the Barbary coast, not altogether without foundation, sharpened the sword of persecution.
Chapter 73

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What did Sandé propose when the garrison was reduced to extremity?
Rather than surrender, Sandé called his men together and argued that liberty was worth more than life and that anything was better than yielding to such an enemy. He proposed a night sally to cut their way through the Turkish army or fall in the attempt. The Spaniards responded heartily, feeling that slavery was more terrible than death.
Chapter 74
What happened to Sandé and the sallying garrison on June 29?
Two hours before dawn, Sandé led out all fit to bear arms—barely a thousand men, thinned by death, famine, and disease. They passed the triple trenches under cover of darkness, but the Turks rallied and overwhelmed the enfeebled band. Many fell; the rest were forced back into the fort. Sandé cut his way to a vessel, was followed by a crowd, and surrendered as a prisoner.
Chapter 74
What happened to the captured prisoners after Piali's victory?
Piali reestablished the Moorish authorities, then sailed to Constantinople with his fleet and prizes. The prisoners, nearly four thousand, were manacled and driven through the streets amid the populace's shouts to the slave market. A few of higher rank were reserved for ransom, including Don Alvaro de Sandé and a son of Medina Celi, who did not long survive his captivity.
Chapter 74

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What happened to Hassem's forces after their assault on the fortress?
After over five hours of bloody fighting in the breach and on the ramparts, Hassem's forces were repulsed on every quarter and withdrew to their trenches in so mangled a condition that he could not renew the assault for several days. The chapter attributes this to African ardor proving no match for the cool, steady courage of the European defenders.
Chapter 75
How did Don Martin de Cordova inspire the garrison during the siege?
The garrison commander freely exposed himself to hardship and danger alongside his meanest followers, infusing his unconquerable spirit into them. On the eve of an assault he passed through the ranks holding a crucifix, exhorting his men to do their duty and assuring them of Heaven's protection. The women also took active part in soldiers' duties rather than only nursing the sick and wounded.
Chapter 75
What hardships did the garrison face before the Spanish fleet arrived?
Famine appeared in hideous forms: the garrison was reduced to eating the flesh of horses and asses, doled out so scantily that it was clear this sustenance would soon fail. Their defenses crumbled under incessant fire, and relief attempts by the count of Alcaudete from Oran failed because the odds were too great. They were sustained only by expectation of succor from Spain.
Chapter 75

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How did the Knights of St. John lose Rhodes to Solyman II in 1522?
Solyman the Second led an expedition in person against Rhodes in 1522. For six months the knights withstood the whole Ottoman array, unaided by any European power, before being compelled to surrender. Solyman granted them honorable terms, showing he respected valor even in a Christian foe.
Chapter 76
How did Charles V benefit from ceding Malta to the Knights of St. John?
Charles V ceded Malta and its dependencies, with full jurisdiction, to the order for permanent residence. The author argues the politic prince consulted his own interests: he drew no revenue from the rocky isle but was charged with defending it against Moorish corsairs. The transfer relieved him of expense and secured a permanent bulwark for his dominions.
Chapter 76
What conditions burdened Charles V's gift of Malta to the order?
The gift carried no condition beyond the annual payment of a falcon in token of feudal supremacy. It was also stipulated that the order should never bear arms against Sicily—a stipulation the author calls hardly necessary, since the knights' vows pledged them to fight in defense of Christendom, not against it.
Chapter 76
How did La Valette prepare Malta for the expected Turkish siege?
La Valette sent emissaries to Christian powers for aid, summoned absent knights home, and imported provisions and stores from Sicily and Spain. He drilled the militia into a force of over three thousand, added Spanish and Italian troops, and freed five hundred galley-slaves in exchange for faithful service. He repaired fortifications, with knights and the grand-master himself joining the labor.
Chapter 76

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How large was La Valette's defending force at Malta, and what did it consist of?
About nine thousand men total: seven hundred knights (roughly six hundred already arrived), between three and four thousand Maltese with some experience fighting Barbary corsairs, five hundred galley slaves, personal followers of the knights, and levies from Spain and Italy. The infirm and aged had mostly been shipped to Sicily, though many women and children remained, with the women tending the sick and cheering the soldiers.
Chapter 77
How did La Valette distribute his forces among Malta's defensive positions?
He assigned each station to one of the languages, or nations, so emulation would work on the order's chivalry. St. Elmo, covering cramped ground and holding no more than eight hundred men, was reinforced with sixty knights under the bailiff of Negropont plus two companies of foreign levies under the Spaniard La Cerda. La Valette himself took station at St. Angelo and the town below, the central position for watching over the whole.
Chapter 77
What was the size and composition of the Turkish fleet and army that arrived in May 1565?
Sentinels sighted the fleet on the morning of May 18, 1565, about thirty miles east, standing for Malta. It numbered one hundred and thirty royal galleys plus fifty smaller vessels and transports carrying cannon and stores. The breaching artillery was sixty-three guns, the smallest throwing a fifty-six-pound ball, with basilicas carrying marble bullets of a hundred and twelve pounds. About thirty thousand soldiers were aboard, including six thousand janizaries.
Chapter 77
What happened when La Cerda requested reinforcements for St. Elmo early in the siege?
La Valette, visibly displeased, especially since many knights were present, coldly asked what loss the garrison had suffered. La Cerda evaded the question, comparing St. Elmo to a sick man needing a physician. La Valette replied he would be the physician and bring such aid that he might at least save the place. He was prepared to throw himself into the fortress and bury himself in its ruins, but the knights unanimously dissuaded him, and fifty knights plus two companies under De Medran were sent instead.
Chapter 77

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Who did La Valette consult before rejecting the knights' request to abandon St. Elmo?
La Valette laid the matter before the council of Grand Crosses, men holding the highest stations in the order. They unanimously agreed with De Medran that the garrison should be withdrawn. La Valette alone dissented, insisting St. Elmo must be held at all hazards because the viceroy of Sicily had said he would not risk his master's fleet there if the post fell to the enemy.
Chapter 78
What did the discontented knights do before the commissioners inspected St. Elmo?
The refractory knights were so intent on departing that they had already begun throwing the shot into the wells to keep it from falling into Turkish hands. They showed the commissioners the ruinous works, which spoke more forcibly than their complaints. Two commissioners judged the fort untenable; the third, Castriot, disagreed and offered to hold it with fresh troops.
Chapter 78
How did La Valette respond to the fifty knights who threatened to sally out?
La Valette replied with sorrow and indignation, saying it was not enough for them to die the honorable death they coveted; they must die in the manner he prescribed and obey his commands, recalling their vows to sacrifice life for the order. He sent three commissioners to inspect St. Elmo, partly to gain time, and also urged the viceroy of Sicily for immediate succors.
Chapter 78
What happened when the Turks stormed the great breach on June 16?
At dawn the besiegers stood to arms; a cannon signal sent a column of janizaries against the great breach while the Ottoman fleet and Point Dragut battery fired on the flanks and four thousand musketeers swept the breach. The janizaries were mowed down but pressed on over the rubble-choked fosse. The Chevalier de Medran cut down a Turk who planted his standard, then received a mortal wound from an arquebuse.
Chapter 78

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What did the Turkish commander do to cut off St. Elmo's communication with the town?
On Dragut's advice, the Turks extended their lines of intrenchment to the Great Port and built a redoubt mounting two large guns there. Completed on the eighteenth, this battery, with musketry from the trenches, swept the landing-place and cut off further supplies from across the harbor. Left to their own resources, the garrison's days were numbered.
Chapter 79
How was Dragut, the Moorish captain, wounded and what was the result?
While conducting the investment work, Dragut was struck on the head by a splinter from a rock hit by a cannon-shot and laid senseless in the trenches. Mustapha had him carried to his tent under a cloak. The wound proved mortal; he survived to learn the fate of St. Elmo but was in no condition to aid the siege with his counsels.
Chapter 79
What happened to La Valette's attempt to reinforce St. Elmo by sea?
La Valette launched five large barges with troops and supplies, and knights competed for the right to embark. But the landing-place was commanded by heavy guns and musketeers, and the Turkish admiral sent a flotilla of lighter vessels into the harbor to intercept the convoy. The Christians had to put back with all speed or be surrounded and captured.
Chapter 79
How did the garrison of St. Elmo spend the night before the final assault?
Rather than repairing defenses to prolong the siege, they prepared solemnly for death: they prayed, confessed, received the sacrament, exhorted one another, and renewed their vows to defend the Faith. Miranda and the bailiff of Negropont, themselves wounded, encouraged and consoled the sick and dying, who lay thick among the dead on the ruins.
Chapter 79

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How did La Valette respond to Mustapha's mutilation of Christian bodies?
Prescott recounts that Mustapha displayed the heads of four principal knights on poles and cast the bodies of cavaliers, scored with cross-shaped gashes, into the water. La Valette wept at the sight, then ordered the heads of Turkish prisoners struck off and shot from the large guns into the enemy's lines—the chronicler calls it teaching the Moslems a lesson in humanity.
Chapter 80
What losses did each side suffer at St. Elmo, and how did Dragut die?
About fifteen hundred Christians fell, including one hundred twenty-three members of the order, several of them illustrious warriors. The Turkish loss is estimated at eight thousand. Dragut, reckoned worth more than a legion of common soldiers, was still living but speechless when the fort was stormed; roused by shouts of victory, he raised his eyes to Heaven as if in gratitude and expired.
Chapter 80
Why does Prescott argue the Turks showed little skill in conducting the siege?
The author argues that a handful of warriors held St. Elmo for a month against the whole Turkish army, showing the garrison's valor but also that the Turks, however effective in the field, had little engineering skill. It should have been obvious that destroying St. Elmo's communications with the town was necessary; this was not attempted until Dragut arrived and recommended a battery, and he was overruled.
Chapter 80
What measures did La Valette take to prepare Il Borgo and La Sangle for siege?
La Valette used the interval before St. Elmo's fall to strengthen both fortresses, with men, women, and children all helping. He moved heavy guns from the galleys onto the walls, requisitioned private provisions for public magazines at fair compensation, sent five companies from the Notable City to Il Borgo, and ordered that no prisoners be taken—all captives to be put to the sword, making it a war of extermination.
Chapter 80

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What mishap let the besiegers gain a footing on the bastion ramparts?
A spark fell into the magazine of combustibles, which exploded with a terrific blast, killing or maiming many of the garrison and rolling blinding smoke along the bastion. The besiegers used the confusion to climb onto the ramparts, and when the smoke cleared the garrison found enemy banners planted on the walls.
Chapter 81
How did the Chevalier de Guiral destroy the Turkish reinforcement fleet?
Ten large boats carrying a thousand janizaries crossed the Great Harbor toward the Spur. Guiral's five-gun battery in St. Angelo, sunk near water level and so unnoticed by the Turks, waited until they were in range, then fired heavy balls and bags of chain and iron. Nine boats were shattered and sunk; about eight hundred were said to perish.
Chapter 81
Who was Frederic de Toledo and how did he die?
He was a young knight, son of the viceroy of Sicily, kept close to the grand-master. Learning of the garrison's extremity at La Sangle, he secretly joined the relief force and fought well. After the Turks left the ramparts, Turkish guns opened on the exposed Christians; he was struck down by a cannon-shot, and a splinter from his cuirass mortally wounded a comrade beside him.
Chapter 81
What were the reported casualties of the first assault, and how did La Valette respond?
Between three and four thousand Mussulmans, including the drowned, were said to fall in the two attacks; the author notes an enemy's arithmetic is not apt to be exact. Christian losses did not exceed two hundred but included some of their best knights. La Valette had the knights and people process to St. Lawrence, where Te Deum was chanted and captured colors hung as trophies.
Chapter 81

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What did Pius IV's bull grant to those fighting the Moslems at Malta?
A bull of Pius IV granted plenary indulgence for all sins committed by those engaged in this holy war against the Moslems. The chronicler reports that few men or women old enough to appreciate it failed to strive for this grace through devotion to the cause, believing all who died in the good work would be received at once into glory.
Chapter 82
How did La Valette prepare for the August 2 general assault?
La Valette learned of the Turkish plans through deserters and prepared accordingly. He had retrenchments thrown up within the breaches, spikes set in the ruins, and refreshments—skins of wine and water, bread, and salt water to bathe firework wounds—placed near the points of attack. The chronicler says without these precautions so few men could not have held against such a host.
Chapter 82
What happened when a mine brought down the bastion of Castile?
A mine under the bastion of Castile was sprung, collapsing a wide stretch of rampart. The Turks mounted the smoking ruins and planted the Ottoman standard on the walls. La Valette, warned by Brother William, seized his pike, called 'Now is the time! let us die together!' and rallied the defenders. Wounded in the leg, he refused to retire until the Turks abandoned the works.
Chapter 82
Why did La Valette reject the Council's advice to withdraw into St. Angelo?
La Valette refused, arguing withdrawal would cut communication with St. Michael and abandon its garrison, while the town's inhabitants would fare no better since St. Angelo's cistern could not supply such a multitude. He declared they must stand and die if they could not hold against the infidel, and even had the bridge to the castle broken down to show his resolve.
Chapter 82

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What did the viceroy Don Garcia de Toledo do after the knights and army urged him?
He assembled his fleet at Syracuse and sailed on August 25 with twenty-eight galleys and eleven thousand troops, mostly Spanish veterans, plus two hundred knights of the order and adventurers from Spain, France, and Italy. A violent gale forced him back to Sicily to repair the galleys; he sailed again and entered the Bay of Melecca on September 6 under cover of evening.
Chapter 83
Why did Mustapha abandon the siege and how did the Turks react to the Spanish landing?
Hearing exaggerated reports of the size of the reinforcement landed, Mustapha silently embarked his guns and camp equipage during the night and withdrew. When he learned the reports were greatly exaggerated, he felt he had acted precipitately and feared returning dishonored to his master. He and Piali agreed he should land troops and fight the Spaniards, but his sullen, disheartened men were routed.
Chapter 83
How did the Spanish and knights defeat Mustapha's troops on land?
Don Ascanio de la Corña took a strong position on a rugged eminence, but the knights and De Sandé demanded battle. The Christians descended, a detachment scaled the hill and took the small tower, and the main body struck the Turkish front and flanks. The dispirited Turks broke and fled; the knights gave no quarter, and Mustapha, twice unhorsed, finally covered the retreat with musketeers before embarking for the Levant.
Chapter 83
How did Malta celebrate the end of the siege and what honors followed?
On September 8, the Nativity of the Virgin, the grand-master led the order, soldiers, and citizens in procession to the church of St. Lawrence for a solemn Te Deum, a day still observed as Malta's most glorious anniversary. On September 14 the viceroy returned with the rest of the reinforcement and was welcomed by salvos. Il Borgo earned the title Vittoriosa, and La Valette rewarded the captains and soldiers.
Chapter 83

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What does Prescott identify as the real strength of Malta's defenders?
Prescott argues the defenders' character was the true bulwark, not the improved fortifications that offset Turkish artillery. Every knight was devoted to his order and nursed in hatred of the infidel, and he communicated these sentiments to his followers and the islanders. This unity and promptness of action led all to reject terms and prefer death to surrender, with one cowardly soldier executed on the gallows.
Chapter 84
What qualities does Prescott attribute to La Valette as a leader?
Prescott credits La Valette with religious sincerity, self-sacrifice, great experience, a quick eye, and cool judgment, plus fixedness of purpose unshaken by menace or entreaty. He cites La Valette's insistence on defending St. Elmo against its garrison's resistance and his refusal, against his council, to abandon the town for St. Angelo. Prescott suggests the fate of Malta rested on both decisions.
Chapter 84
How does Prescott explain the viceroy of Sicily's conduct during the siege?
Prescott calls it a mysterious circumstance never satisfactorily explained. Most writers say Don Garcia obeyed Philip's secret instructions, unwilling to risk his fleet unless necessary. Prescott finds this insufficient, since the knights were nearly exterminated before relief came. He thinks it more probable that Don Garcia, aware of the Turkish armament's strength, shrank from the danger to Sicily if his fleet were destroyed.
Chapter 84
What honors did La Valette receive after the siege, and what did he do next?
Rome celebrated with cannon, illuminations, and church processions; Philip sent a sword and poniard mounted with diamonds, and Pius the Fifth sent a cardinal's hat, which La Valette declined because cardinal duties would conflict with his role as head of the order. He then rebuilt Malta, laying Valetta's first stone on March 28, 1566, and died on August 21, 1568, after a sunstroke while hawking.
Chapter 84

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Who tutored Don Carlos, and what did Philip's letters reveal about the prince's studies?
Philip entrusted Carlos's instruction to Honorato Juan, a well-trained scholar and pious man who soon took religious vows. Juan's correspondence with Philip in Flanders shows Carlos's proficiency at eleven or twelve. The king's contentment fades in later letters as the tutor reports the pupil's indifference to his studies, prompting anxious doubts from Philip.
Chapter 85
How did Carlos react to Charles the Fifth's account of fleeing Innsbruck?
Charles told his grandson how he had fled at Innsbruck, barely escaping the enemy. Carlos interrupted, exclaiming he never would have fled. Charles explained the necessity, but the boy stubbornly insisted, amusing and delighting the emperor, who saw his own early mettle. Yet Charles also noted Carlos's wayward temper and blamed the regent's indulgence.
Chapter 85
What daily routine did Don Garcia de Toledo record for the twelve-year-old Carlos in 1557?
Carlos rose before seven, breakfasted and heard mass by half-past eight, then studied until dinner at eleven. Afternoons brought quoits, trucos, fencing, or riding; a light merienda at half-past three, then reading or walking. He supped in the evening and was in bed by half-past nine after his rosary. Don Garcia noted his pupil's lack of interest in studies and manly exercises.
Chapter 85
How did Carlos's fall at Alcalá in 1562 end, according to the physician's report?
Carlos fell down stairs, was taken up senseless, and developed fever, erysipelas, blindness, and delirium; the skull was found fractured and trepanned without relief. After a Moorish doctor's unguent failed, Fray Diego's remains were laid on his bed. The friar appeared in a dream promising recovery, and the patient mended, walking within two months. The author notes the cure was referred to Fray Diego.
Chapter 85

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Who did Philip appoint as governor of Carlos after his noblemen complained?
After Don Garcia de Toledo and Don Alonzo de Cordova complained to Philip that Carlos assaulted them and they could not resent it, the king consented and transferred them to his own service. Philip then appointed Ruy Gomez de Silva, prince of Eboli and his favorite minister, as governor of Carlos.
Chapter 86
How did Carlos treat Cardinal Espinosa over the player Cisneros?
Cardinal Espinosa, president of the Council of Castile and later grand-inquisitor, banished the player Cisneros from the palace, probably by Philip's orders. Carlos seized the cardinal roughly by the collar, laid his hand on his poniard, and threatened to kill him by his father's life. The prelate knelt and escaped with his life.
Chapter 86
How did Carlos exploit the merchant Grimaldo's compliment?
Carlos asked the merchant Grimaldo for fifteen hundred ducats. Grimaldo consented and said in Castilian grandiloquence that all he had was at Carlos's disposal. Carlos took him literally and demanded a hundred thousand ducats, threatening ruin within twenty-four hours. After negotiation, Ruy Gomez got Carlos to accept sixty thousand ducats, which Nobili says Carlos squandered as suddenly as he got them.
Chapter 86
What favorable qualities did Tiepolo attribute to Carlos?
Tiepolo, Venice's ambassador at Madrid in 1567 when Carlos was twenty-two, admitted the prince's arrogant and fiery temper but commended his love of truth and the earnestness of his devotions. He called Carlos exceedingly charitable, asking 'Who would give, if princes did not?' He was splendid in living and liberal to servants, and was ambitious to share in public affairs, resenting exclusion by his father.
Chapter 86

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How did Philip arrange for Carlos's chamber door to be left unsecured?
Carlos had an artisan build a bolt with pulleys so he could fasten or unfasten his chamber door from bed. Philip learned of it and ordered the mechanic to derange the machinery so it would not work, leaving the door without its usual means of securing it. This let the king's party enter on the night of the eighteenth.
Chapter 87
What orders did Philip give the nobles guarding Carlos after the arrest?
Philip committed Carlos to the duke of Feria's especial charge and told the other nobles to serve the prince with proper respect but execute none of his orders without first reporting them to the king, and to guard him faithfully under penalty of being held traitors. Carlos's attendants were dismissed and a guard of twelve halberdiers stationed in the passages.
Chapter 87
What reason did the prince of Eboli give Fourquevaulx for Carlos's imprisonment?
By the king's order, Eboli told the French minister Fourquevaulx that Philip had for three years perceived the prince's head was the weakest part of him and that he was never in complete possession of his understanding. Time brought no amendment, so the king resolved after long deliberation to place his son under constraint.
Chapter 87
Why does Prescott doubt insanity was the true ground for Carlos's arrest?
Prescott finds it strange that if insanity were the ground, Philip would cover it with vague, equivocal language promising fuller explanation later. He notes the excessive rigor of the confinement savored more of punishment for a high offender than treatment of a lunatic, and a criminal process would hardly be instituted against one absolved of moral responsibility by infirmity.
Chapter 87

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What reasons does Prescott give for doubting Carlos had settled Protestant beliefs?
Prescott says Carlos's wayward, volatile mind made settled opinions in faith unlikely, and his position would not have allowed Reformers much access to him. Still, Prescott notes Carlos may have sympathized with the Low Countries' troubles, and such sympathy alone could condemn him, since Spaniards saw that movement as rebellion and religious revolution.
Chapter 88
What regulations governed Carlos's confinement under Ruy Gomez?
Six nobles guarded and served Carlos, two staying overnight, one watching while the other slept. They were forbidden to discuss government or the imprisonment, carry messages, or reveal anything within the palace. Carlos received only devotional books. No one entered except his physician, barbero, valet, and guards; twelve halberdiers blocked the passages, and all swore obedience before the prince of Eboli.
Chapter 88
How did Philip and his court respond to concern about Carlos's imprisonment?
Philip refused to relent. He told his aunt, the queen of Portugal, that Carlos's marriage to Princess Anne would never occur and Carlos would never be liberated. Isabella and Joanna were denied visits, Don John of Austria was rebuked for mourning dress, and town delegates were discouraged. Deputies from Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia turned back before reaching the capital.
Chapter 88
What did the coffer of Carlos's private papers reportedly contain?
According to the papal nuncio, the coffer held letters Carlos meant to distribute after leaving Spain, including one to Philip blaming harsh treatment for his flight, and others to nobles and towns promising immunities in exchange for their oath of allegiance. It also held a list naming Isabella and Don John as friends, and Philip, the Ebolis, Cardinal Espinosa, Alva, and others as enemies to be pursued to death.
Chapter 88

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According to the nuncio, how did Carlos behave in his final hours?
The nuncio records that a sudden change wrought by divine grace came over Carlos: instead of vain talk his language became sensible. He confessed devoutly, adored the host since illness prevented receiving it, showed great contrition, and manifested contempt for worldly things and longing for heaven, which the nuncio calls the sum of all God's grace reserved for that hour.
Chapter 89
What did Carlos say when told he would live until the Vigil of St. James?
Carlos seemed assured he would survive until the vigil of St. James, patron saint of his country. When told this was four days away, he replied, 'So long will my misery endure.' He had impatiently looked to death as his release, and from that hour fixed his thoughts on the future rather than earthly troubles.
Chapter 89
What does Llorente claim caused the death of Carlos?
Llorente claims Carlos was condemned for treason, and that Philip said relaxing the prisoner's diet would let his excesses kill him. Ruy Gomez allegedly conveyed the king's intent to physician Olivares, who administered a purgative dose on July 20, causing rapid decline. Prescott rejects this, noting Llorente cites unnamed secret memoirs and contradicts the nuncio and Tuscan minister.
Chapter 89
Why does Prescott distrust Antonio Perez's account of Carlos's death?
Prescott notes Perez claimed the king had Carlos condemned by casuists and inquisitors, then slow poison mixed in his food for four months. But Prescott says Perez was Philip's mortal enemy, writing in exile with a price on his head, so even truth from his lips fails to carry conviction. His statement is thus largely neutralized.
Chapter 89

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What principle does Prescott say Philip acted on in religious affairs?
Prescott argues that in affairs of religion Philip acted avowedly on the principle that the end justifies the means. He cites Philip's reply to a heretic being dragged to the stake: were his son such a wretch, Philip said, he would himself carry the fagots to burn him. One of the crimes charged against Carlos was defection from the Faith.
Chapter 90
Where does Prescott place responsibility for the death of Carlos?
Prescott says that whether Carlos died by violence or by the insane excesses he was allowed to plunge into during confinement, the responsibility must to a great extent rest on Philip. If Philip did not directly employ an assassin, his rigorous treatment drove his son to desperation that brought about the same fatal result.
Chapter 90
What evidence does Prescott use against the Carlos-Isabella love story?
Prescott notes that no native Castilian historian records the tale, and only Brantôme and the prince of Orange countenanced the rumors; both were foreigners and one was Philip's mortal enemy. He relies instead on despatches of French ambassadors and Catherine de Medicis's correspondence, which show Isabella's open sympathy for the sickly fourteen-year-old Carlos and no criminal passion.
Chapter 90

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How did Philip's affection for Isabella appear to foreign ambassadors?
Guibert wrote that the king loved the queen more and more and her influence had tripled. In 1565 St. Sulpice reported to the queen-mother that Isabella lived in great contentment through perfect friendship with Philip, who showed her unreserved confidence. Philip declared to him that the loss of his consort would be a heavier misfortune than had ever befallen him.
Chapter 91
How did Isabella adapt to Spanish court life while keeping French ways?
She dispensed with her veil in public, contrary to Spanish habit, which made her more popular with crowds. She brought French ladies and waiting-women, dowered those who returned home, and remained accessible to her countrymen, conversing in her native tongue. Within three months she understood Castilian and soon spoke it elegantly with a slight accent. The author says her French vivacity was tempered by Spanish gravity.
Chapter 91
What did Isabella say to Fourquevaulx before her death?
She told the ambassador she was quitting this vain world for a more pleasant kingdom, hoping to be forever with God. She asked him to tell her mother and brother to bear her death patiently, to watch over their kingdom and end the heresies there, and said no earthly happiness had made her so content as the prospect of approaching her Creator.
Chapter 91
What did Catherine de Medicis do regarding suspicions about her daughter's death?
The author notes that Cardinal Guise's instructions from Charles the Ninth showed no distrust about how his sister died. Catherine de Medicis, more suspicious, directed Fourquevaulx to learn what was being said about her daughter's death and report it. The ambassador apparently gathered nothing of consequence. Philip reportedly said his best consolation was reflecting on the queen's simple and excellent life.
Chapter 91

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What does Prescott conclude about Philip's treatment of Queen Isabella?
The author argues there is no proof Philip was ever displeased with Isabella or sacrificed her to jealousy; instead he seems to have regarded her with the indulgence of an affectionate husband. Her own countrymen who had access to her, even at her death, would have reported suspicions in their correspondence had any existed.
Chapter 92
According to Brantôme, what influence did Isabella have and what names did the two nations give her?
Brantôme claims Isabella exercised a most salutary influence over Philip in his relations with France, valued later when misunderstandings between the courts festered without a friendly hand to heal them. He says her death was bitter to France and Spain alike; Spaniards called her 'the Queen of Peace and Goodness,' the French 'the Olive-branch.'
Chapter 92
How does Prescott describe Brantôme's portrait of Elizabeth of France compared with his other portraits?
Prescott says the queen holds an important place in Brantôme's gallery of contemporary portraits, and in none has he traced the lineaments with a more tender and delicate hand. Scandal has not dimmed the purity of her expression, and of all that illustrious company, Brantôme renders the homage of the heart most truly to Elizabeth of France.
Chapter 92
What does Prescott say about whether Isabella shared Philip's confidence and counsels?
Prescott doubts she ever gained such ascendancy over Philip's close and cautious nature as to share his confidence and counsels. He suggests her temper was too gentle and free of worldly ambition to meddle in affairs for which nature and education fitted her poorly, though Brantôme credits her with salutary influence on French relations.
Chapter 92

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According to the Italian relation quoted, what did observers predict about Philip's future government?
The relation of Marino Cavallo states that it was judged, when Philip succeeded to the government of his states, that he would employ Spanish ministers entirely and in all things, since he was inclined to that nation more than befitted a prince who wished to rule over diverse peoples.
Chapter 93
How did Philip's first journey abroad affect his reputation, per Soriano?
Michele Soriano's relation says that from such an education it followed that when His Majesty first left Spain and passed through Italy and Germany into Flanders, he left everywhere the impression of a severe and intractable temper; he was therefore little welcome to Italians, most unwelcome to Flemings, and hateful to Germans.
Chapter 93
What did Giovanni Micheli report about the English and religion?
Micheli's relation of 1557 says the prince's example and authority can do anything with them: the English value religion and are moved by it only insofar as they satisfy their duty as subjects to the prince, living as he lives and believing as he believes, doing what he commands more for outward show and to avoid his displeasure than from inner zeal.
Chapter 93
How did Renard describe Mary's reaction to the marriage proposal?
Renard wrote to the Bishop of Arras that when he opened the subject of marriage she began to laugh, not once but several times, looking at him with an eye signifying the proposal was very agreeable, and giving him to understand she did not seek or desire a marriage within England.
Chapter 93

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How did Philip II reportedly adapt his behavior while in England?
The author cites ambassadors and historians noting Philip deliberately softened his usual gravity, showing affability and courtesy to win English goodwill. Soriano and Micheli report he set aside Spanish severity on the advice of Cardinal Trent, Queen Mary, and his father, believing a ruler of diverse nations should be gracious. The author treats this change as a widely noticed, calculated adjustment.
Chapter 94
What did Philip do about Spaniards disembarking in England?
According to Noailles, Philip forbade Spaniards to leave their ships on pain of being hanged if they set foot ashore, enforcing the marriage treaty strictly. He also reportedly told Spanish nobles to forget Spanish customs and live English-style, drinking beer to lead the way. The author presents these as reported anecdotes from ambassadors, not settled fact.
Chapter 94
What does the author say about Philip's speech to Parliament?
Cabrera claims Philip sat in Parliament and once delivered a speech to conciliate the legislature toward the legate, which the historian gives in full. The author argues this is implausible: Philip could not speak English, and few in his audience likely understood Spanish, so the speech could only have been understood by a miracle.
Chapter 94

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How does Navagero describe Pope Paul IV's eating and drinking habits?
Navagero's relazione says the pope wished to be served very delicately, and at the start of his pontificate twenty-five dishes were not enough. He drank much more than he ate; the wine was powerful and strong, black and so thick it could almost be cut, called mangiaguerra, and was brought from the kingdom of Naples.
Chapter 95
What did Paul IV reportedly say about the Spaniards in Italy?
Nores reports the pope called the Spanish nation hated by him, and used to call them vile and abject, seed of Jews and scum of the world. Navagero reports him saying before many that the time had come for their sins to be punished, that they would lose their states, and Italy would be freed. He also complained of infinite displeasure that those who used to be cooks or stable boys in Italy now commanded.
Chapter 95
How does Prescott characterize Ossorio's Latin biography of the duke of Alva?
Prescott says Ossorio, a Spanish Jesuit writing nearly a century after his hero, seems to have had access to the best sources, so his narrative may rest on a good foundation. He writes in a sensible, business-like manner, more often found among Jesuits than other orders. Prescott notes it is not surprising that the harsher features of the portrait are smoothed down under the friendly hand of the Jesuit commemorating the great champion of Catholicism.
Chapter 95

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What does Prescott say about the sources for the battle of Gravelines?
Prescott states that he knows of no action whose accounts are so perfectly irreconcilable in their details as those of the battle of Gravelines. Authorities even disagree on whether an English fleet fired on the French troops, with one writer naming a Spanish squadron from Guipuscoa and another saying marines landed. He concludes that all agree on the most important fact: Count Egmont won a decisive victory over the French.
Chapter 96
How did Philip II describe his own position regarding the war in his letter to Granvelle?
In a letter to the Bishop of Arras (Granvelle) dated February 12, 1559, Philip wrote that he was utterly unable to sustain the war and that matters were so pressing that, unless he wished to lose everything, he could not avoid coming to an agreement. Prescott also notes Philip told a Venetian minister that, had the French king not made advances toward an accommodation, he would have been obliged to do so himself.
Chapter 96
What did the earl of Bedford report about the Swartzrotters at St. Quentin?
In a letter to Sir William Cecil dated September 3, 1557, the earl of Bedford reported that the Swartzrotters, being masters of the king's whole army, used such force against Spaniards, Italians, and other nations alike that no one else could enjoy anything. He added that they had shown cruelty the like of which had not been seen for greediness, and that the town was set on fire by them and a great part burned.
Chapter 96

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What did Charles V say about Philip's war against the pope?
In a letter to Juan Vazquez de Molina, Charles V, from his retirement at Yuste, approved of his son's course against Rome. He called it a war of necessity and said Philip would stand acquitted of the consequences before God and man. The author notes Charles might naturally have felt more scruples about a collision with Rome than in earlier days, when he had held the pope a prisoner in his capital.
Chapter 97
How did Philip II behave toward his future queen at their first meeting?
According to Campana, Philip followed the French custom of kissing all the other ladies of the court, but when he came to his future queen he omitted that familiar ceremony. He also refused, despite her urging, to cover his head in her presence. Campana records this as a notably noble act of Spanish breeding.
Chapter 97
What did Luis Quixada report about the site and rooms at Yuste?
In a letter to Juan Vazquez dated November 30, 1556, the major-domo Quixada described the views as short, showing only a mountain of large stones or low oaks, with no level ground for walking, only a narrow stony path. He saw no river, just a fall of water from the mountain, a small garden with few orange trees, and a low, gloomy, probably damp apartment in great solitude. He asked Vazquez not to show the letter to the regent Joanna.
Chapter 97
Why does the author question the prior of Yuste's account of Charles's poverty?
The author notes that both Sandoval and the Marquis de Valparayso claim to derive their account of Charles's cloister life mainly from Fray Martin de Angulo, prior of Yuste, who witnessed Charles's final scenes and wrote at the request of the Regent Joanna. The author finds the authority of the highest value but wonders why the prior presented Charles in such a poverty-stricken aspect, suggesting perhaps he thought it would redound to the emperor's credit to have exchanged a throne for monkish mortification.
Chapter 97

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According to Prescott, how did accounts of Charles V's mock funeral grow over time?
The author argues the story exemplifies "crescit eundo": the earliest MS account gives only a general outline; Siguença adds the lighted candle Charles gave the priest; Strada later has the emperor swoon to the floor; and Robertson has him perform in his shroud and be laid in his coffin. Prescott doubts Robertson's sources for these details.
Chapter 98
What did Quixada tell the Regent Joanna about the boy in his care?
Joanna suspected the boy was the emperor's son and asked Quixada directly, offering to provide for him. Quixada, in his private letters to Philip, said he deflected her by claiming the lad was a friend's son and that since Charles's will and codicil made no mention of him, the rumor had no foundation.
Chapter 98
What does Prescott say about Charles's tone in his 1557 letter to the Princess?
Prescott calls the letter singularly characteristic of Charles: its authoritative tone shows that although he had given up the crown, he had not given up the temper of a sovereign—and of an absolute sovereign too. The letter was dated March 31, 1557.
Chapter 98
What did Charles say when he heard of Queen Eleanor of France's death?
According to Gaztelu's letter of February 21, 1558, Charles felt it deeply and his eyes filled with tears. He spoke of how much he and the Queen of France had always loved each other, of her good Christian character, and noted she was fifteen months older than he, saying that given his own health he might soon keep her company.
Chapter 98

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What did Charles V intend his memoirs to be, according to Van Male?
Van Male records that Charles said he resolved to fashion a new kind of writing, a blend drawn from Livy, Caesar, Suetonius, and Tacitus. The emperor also wrote about his voyages and expeditions undertaken from his fifteenth year onward, composing them aboard a ship on the Rhine. Van Male notes Charles permitted no praise of his own cleverness even in the preface.
Chapter 99
What happened to Charles V's memoirs after his death?
At the emperor's death the memoirs were in Van Male's possession, and he complained with tears that Quixada had taken them from him. Van Male claimed to remember enough to compose another life of his master. Philip, fearing such a work, ordered Granvelle to search Van Male's papers after his death and burn any manuscript found, but no memoirs were discovered.
Chapter 99
How did Charles V respond to those who wrote about him?
According to Sepulveda, Charles said it was not pleasing to him to read or hear what was written about him; others would read it after he left this life. He invited questioners to ask him directly, saying he would not hesitate to answer. The historian also notes Charles welcomed strangers bringing foreign news but was not tolerant of idle ceremonial visits.
Chapter 99
What did Charles V say about having failed to kill Luther?
Sandoval records Charles saying 'I erred in not killing Luther,' reasoning that he was not bound to keep his word to the heretic, since the heretic's offense was against a greater Lord, namely God. The author presents this as the emperor's own justification, showing how he reconciled broken faith with religious duty.
Chapter 99

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What does the chapter say about Granvelle's method of communicating with Philip?
The chapter states that Granvelle sent his opinions to the Emperor each evening on a sheet of paper called a beliero, covering the next day's business. A letter of July 17, 1559 shows Granvelle suggesting arguments to Brabant authorities for enforcing the edicts, indicating he could accommodate himself to Philip's harsher temper even if naturally more tolerant.
Chapter 100
How does the chapter characterize Philip's presence at the autos and the sources on it?
The chapter says Cabrera reports Philip saw many delinquents led to execution with his guards assisting, but the author doubts this means more than witnessing the procession. Davila only says Philip assisted at the act of faith. Leti, less scrupulous, claims Philip watched from palace windows and enjoyed the spectacle, a picture the author treats skeptically.
Chapter 100
What does the chapter say about the Carranza prosecution and its records?
The chapter says the Carranza process occupied Salazar, Llorente, and the editors of Documentos Inéditos. Llorente, secretary of the Holy Office, claimed the legal documents amounted to twenty-six thousand leaves of manuscript. The author remarks this enormous mass of testimony leads one to suspect the Inquisition's object was less to detect truth than to cover it up.
Chapter 100

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What did Philip II deny about Granvelle's advice, and what did he add?
Philip denied that Granvelle ever recommended cutting off half a dozen heads, yet in the same letter he added that it might perhaps be well enough to have recourse to this measure. Prescott presents the exchange as characteristic of the royal policy of procrastination, noting the duchess was told to delay sending advice to Spain while the king delayed his answers.
Chapter 102
How did Granvelle describe the common people in his letter to the king?
Granvelle called them "ce méchant animal nommé le peuple"—that wicked animal called the people—in his own words in a letter to the king. Prescott cites this as evidence of the cardinal's attitude toward the populace, alongside Granvelle's statement that in matters of religion no temporizing is permitted but everything must be punished with all rigor and severity.
Chapter 102
What did Egmont reportedly say after drinking about whom the nobles opposed?
Morillon reported to Granvelle that Egmont, post pocula—after drinking—told Hopperus in a conversation lasting some two hours that it was not Granvelle they wanted but the king, who administers public affairs very badly, especially those of religion, as he had been sufficiently warned. This shifts the nobles' grievance from the cardinal to Philip himself.
Chapter 102
What two letters did Philip send Margaret concerning Egmont, and how was she to use them?
Philip sent Margaret two letters of directly opposite tenor: one dispensing with Egmont's presence at Madrid, the other inviting him there. Margaret was to give whichever she thought expedient under the circumstances. Prescott notes the duchess was greatly distressed by her brother's maneuvering, seeing that the course she must pursue was not the one he would prefer.
Chapter 102

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According to Hopper, what was the leading cause of discontent in Flanders?
Hopper does not hesitate to regard the exclusion of the native lords from the king's council as a leading cause of the discontents in Flanders. He argues that the Spanish lords, driving others from the council and acting alone with the king, presumed to command the lords and knights of the Low Countries as they did those of Milan, Naples, and Sicily, and that the refusal to suffer this was the true or at least principal cause of the troubles.
Chapter 103
What did Granvelle urge Philip to do in his July 20, 1565 letter?
Granvelle presented an alarming picture of government in the Low Countries: justice and religion at their lowest ebb, offices sold privately, councillors freely debating religion, and letters to Madrid written to suit the council's majority so the truth never reached the king. Viglius feared writing because spies might betray him and cost him his life. Granvelle concluded by urging Philip to come in person with enough money to subsidize a force to support him.
Chapter 103
What did Philip declare about religion to the deputies, and what did he say of his son?
Philip declared he could not consent to any change in religion, and that he would rather lose a hundred thousand lives, if he had them, than permit the least change. He also told the deputies that his son Don Carlos had been taken from him, and that he had no other child, but that he would rather lose his son than be lord over heretics.
Chapter 103
How did the author characterize Burgundius's speech for William at the council?
The author notes that Burgundius puts into William's mouth a fine piece of declamation reviewing the history of heresy from Constantine the Great downwards. The author argues this display of schoolboy erudition is unlike the masculine simplicity of the prince of Orange, and says such fine things may fairly be credited to the historian rather than to the hero.
Chapter 103

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What did the confederate nobles claim they sought in their petition?
The confederates insisted they sought only the king's dignity and the country's welfare, not their own gain. They asked the regent to name their accusers so the charges could be legally and publicly proven. The author notes the document came from Count Louis of Nassau's papers, and that its appeal to the king's "native and accustomed benignity" must have sounded odd to the confederates themselves.
Chapter 104
What did Alva reportedly say about frogs and salmon?
Alva replied that ten thousand frogs were not worth the head of one salmon, meaning the great leaders mattered more than the mass of lesser men. Davila gives a variant: one must fish for the big fish and not bother catching frogs. The author notes the young Henry of Navarre supposedly overheard the remark and repeated it to his mother, Jeanne d'Albret.
Chapter 104
What does the author conclude about Alva's role at Bayonne regarding St. Bartholomew?
The author argues the common belief that Catherine de Medicis and Alva planned to revive the Sicilian Vespers in the St. Bartholomew massacre lacks warrant in their letters. Alva urged Catherine to abandon temporizing and assert Roman Catholic supremacy uncompromisingly, citing Philip's readiness to surrender kingdom and life rather than reign over heretics. The author adds Alva cannot be charged with directly recommending the atrocity, though it was a legitimate result of his advice.
Chapter 104
Why did the confederates say they would fight, according to the text?
When pressed, the confederates replied that they did not wish to fight for the maintenance of the Inquisition and the placards, but that they would fight for the preservation of the country. The author cites this reply from Philip II's correspondence. It shows the confederates framed their armed readiness as defense of the fatherland rather than defense of the religious edicts.
Chapter 104

Section 1054 cards

What did Margaret of Parma write about the state of the Low Countries?
Margaret of Parma described the disorder in a letter, saying that in most of the country there was neither law, faith, nor king ("sans loy, foy, ni roy"). Prescott remarks that anarchy could not be better described in so few words.
Chapter 105
What did Fray Lorenzo de Villacancio urge Philip to do about heretics?
In a memorial prepared at Philip's suggestion in early 1566, the Augustin friar urged the most rigorous measures, calling on Philip to draw the sword God gave him and plunge it in the blood of heretics, citing David, Moses, and the angel as examples. Philip ordered a copy given to Alva.
Chapter 105
What did Philip II secretly instruct Margaret regarding the moderation?
Philip told Margaret that if she did not consent to the moderation, neither would he, but that this must not be understood there, nor that she held this order from him—only for now, while hoping for more later. These injunctions of secrecy were interpolations in Philip's own handwriting.
Chapter 105
What was William of Orange's religious position at this time, according to Prescott?
Prescott says William's early education was Lutheran, and there is no reason to suppose that at this time he had espoused Calvinist doctrines. Armenteros's intimation of the prince's change of religion impressed Philip, who wrote in the margin, "No one has said this so unequivocally before."
Chapter 105

Section 1064 cards

What did Margaret of Parma reply when urged to prioritize preserving the state over religion?
She replied, with some temper, that it seemed more necessary to attend first to what God's service required, since the ruin of religion would be a greater evil than the loss of the country. The exchange is recorded in Philip II's correspondence, where her adviser answered that those with something to lose did not see matters that way.
Chapter 106
What did Margaret say she would prefer to do rather than persuade the people to a cruel and unreasonable course?
She declared she would rather her tongue were fastened to her palate and become mute as a fish than open her mouth to persuade the people to something so cruel and unreasonable. The line is cited from a contemporary chronicle by Gachard, illustrating her reluctance to carry out extreme measures against the population.
Chapter 106
How did Margaret describe her daily workload in her correspondence?
She reported that for over three months she had risen before daybreak, often holding council morning and evening, and devoting the rest of day and night to audiences, reading letters and advisories arriving from all sides, and determining the replies. Prescott notes that sleep seemed as superfluous to Margaret as to a hero of romance.
Chapter 106
What did Viglius reportedly do when threatened by the people, according to the duchess?
The duchess wrote that the president, threatened on all sides with being struck down and torn to pieces, had become incredibly timid. Viglius himself, in his Life, confirms the dangers he faced but claims far more credit for presence of mind than Margaret was willing to allow him.
Chapter 106

Section 1074 cards

Why does Prescott find William's use of Latin in letters to Egmont puzzling?
Prescott states it is not easy to understand why William should have resorted to Latin in his correspondence with Egmont. The chapter offers no explanation, leaving the choice of language an open puzzle for the historian.
Chapter 107
What did William's father allow regarding his son's upbringing, according to note 900?
Note 900 observes that William's own father, a staunch Lutheran, allowed his son to join the imperial household and be nurtured there in the Roman Catholic faith. Prescott notes this resembles the cool calculation attributed to William about leaving his own son at Louvain.
Chapter 107
What does note 910 say about Viglius and freedom of conscience?
Viglius was not enlightened enough to accept freedom of conscience, writing to Hopper that it might lead everyone to set up his own gods, 'lares aut lemures,' at fancy. Yet he saw enough had been done in breaking up the preachings, and that time and Philip's presence must do the rest.
Chapter 107
How does Prescott characterize Brederode's letters in note 913?
Prescott says Groen's collection contains several of Brederode's letters whose tone recalls the dashing cavaliers of Charles the First's time. They come from the heart, mingling daring enterprise with the careless gaiety of the bon vivant, and throw more light on the writer and his disjointed times than the stiff, statesmanlike correspondence of the period.
Chapter 107

Section 1084 cards

What did Alva tell the duchess about his purpose in coming to the Netherlands?
Alva told the Duchess of Parma that his chief purpose was to be there with his people so that justice would be obeyed and respected, the orders of His Majesty executed, and so that the king, on his arrival, would find the country in the peace, tranquility, and quiet that was reasonable.
Chapter 108
How did the Council of Troubles get its popular names, and who sat on it?
The new tribunal was called by the people the 'Council of Troubles' and the 'Blood Council.' According to the correspondence cited, its members were among the most learned and upright men of the country and of the best life, though the council included several foreigners. The author notes historians describe its doings as written in characters of blood.
Chapter 108
What did Vargas reportedly say about the Council's handling of death sentences versus lesser penalties?
According to the cited official document, when the advice was to condemn someone to death, it was said to be very good and there was nothing more to see; but if the advice was for a lesser penalty, they did not abide by what the judges said, but reviewed the process again, speaking harsh words and treating them badly.
Chapter 108
What did Granvelle advise Belin about enduring slights at court?
Granvelle, replying to Belin's complaints about Spaniards dominating the duke's train, did not sympathize. He predicted ruin for those who proceed in that manner, and advised that a man who would rise in courts must do as he is bidden without question, bearing injuries like pills swallowed without chewing so as not to taste their bitterness.
Chapter 108

Section 1094 cards

What does Alva's marginal note on Lorraine's proposal about the Salic law reveal?
The cardinal of Lorraine offered to hand over frontier places to Alva, and suggested that if the French king and his brothers died without heirs, Philip might claim the French crown through his wife. Alva dismissed the Salic law as a jest, saying difficulties would be smoothed away with an army. Philip's marginal note shows his relish for the proposal.
Chapter 109
How does Prescott characterize Alva's letter reporting the executions to Philip?
Alva wrote to Philip in cipher in April 1568 that about five hundred had been seized and that he had ordered all of them executed, with not one escaping. Prescott calls the tone of the report one of nonchalance that is truly appalling, noting the contrast between the mass killing and the casual manner of its telling.
Chapter 109
What financial motive does Alva state for his later arrests?
Alva wrote that after finishing the current punishment he would begin arresting the most guilty and richest individuals to move them to composition, and that from such people he would extract as much money as possible. Confiscations and compositions thus served to raise funds, and the patent of governor-general let him dispose of confiscation revenues.
Chapter 109
How did William of Orange fund his military enterprise against Alva?
Funds came chiefly from Antwerp and the great towns of Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and Groningen, where the spirit of independence was high. The noble exiles with William contributed half the amount raised. William himself sold jewels, silver vessels, tapestries, and other household goods — ornaments worthy of a royal palace but of little use in war.
Chapter 109

Section 1104 cards

What did the son of Count Aremberg reportedly lament about his father?
Bentivoglio says he heard the story more than once from the son and heir of the deceased Count Aremberg, who sorely lamented that his gallant father had thrown away his life for a mistaken point of honor. This concerns the report that Adolphus and Aremberg met in single combat and fell by each other's hands, an incident Prescott calls romantic and easily credited in a romantic age.
Chapter 110
Why does Prescott doubt Bentivoglio's claim that Backerzele was torn apart by horses?
Prescott argues Alva's character, however hard and unscrupulous in carrying out his designs, does not warrant imputing such wanton cruelty. He notes the fact is not found in Strada, Meteren, or the Guerres Civiles du Pays-Bas, writers not partial to the Spaniards, and would surely appear among the crimes the prince of Orange imputed to Alva.
Chapter 110
What did Prescott conclude about the reliability of Foppens's Supplément à Strada as an edition?
Prescott says his countrymen owe Foppens obligations for early bringing forward documents important to national history, but the obligations would be greater had he worked in a scholar-like way. Instead Foppens heaped together a confused mass of materials, without method, often without dates, and with so little care that document titles are not seldom at variance with their contents.
Chapter 110
What does Prescott say about the claim that Cardinal Espinosa's remonstrance prevented Philip from sparing Egmont?
Ossorio, Alva's biographer, says the countess's appeal would probably have softened Philip toward ill-timed clemency but for Cardinal Espinosa's remonstrance that clemency is a sin when the outrage is against religion. Prescott remarks that to one acquainted with Philip's character, the historian's probability may seem somewhat less than probable.
Chapter 110

Section 1114 cards

How did Egmont and Hoorne conduct themselves before their execution, according to the sources?
The sources describe Egmont as pressing for his death to come quickly, saying he should not be kept so long in travail, and as wearing a crimson damask gown with a black mantle and black taffeta hat with white and black plumes. Hoorne was described as about fifty, tall and handsome, and somewhat obstinate in confession, regretting his death greatly.
Chapter 111
What did the executioner's identity and the crowd's reaction suggest about Egmont's standing?
The executioner was said to have formerly been one of Egmont's servants, and the account notes he acted with great promptness. Shops closed and church bells tolled all day, which the source said made it seem like Judgment Day. Spectators wept and regretted seeing so great a captain die thus.
Chapter 111
How did Alva and Margaret of Parma respond to the countess of Egmont's plight?
Alva wrote to the king that he did not believe a more unfortunate house existed on earth and did not know if the countess would have anything for supper that night. Margaret called the countess a principal lady, sister of the count palatine, of good and exemplary Catholic life, and said no man could fail to pity her.
Chapter 111
What does Prescott criticize about Goethe's tragedy 'Egmont'?
Prescott argues that Goethe wrongly introduced an imaginary mistress named Clara to excite what he calls a meretricious interest, instead of using Egmont's noble-hearted wife, who was better qualified to share his fortunes and give dignity to his sufferings. He says this departure from historic truth cannot be defended on any true principle of dramatic effect.
Chapter 111

Section 1124 cards

What did Philip decide about executing Montigny publicly, and why?
Philip held the sentence legally valid but moderated its form out of royal clemency, ordering that Montigny not be executed publicly but secretly in his prison, for the sake of honor, and that it be given out that he died of his illness. The report of proceedings was sent by Philip's orders to the duke of Alva on November 2, 1570.
Chapter 112
What alternative to execution did some advisers propose for Montigny?
According to the report, many thought it best to give him a morsel or some kind of poison in his food or drink so he would die little by little and could settle the affairs of his soul as a sick man. Philip judged that this would not satisfy justice, and the garrote was used instead.
Chapter 112
How was Montigny's death concealed and misreported afterward?
The executioner was ordered to keep it secret under penalty of death, and the king's letter directed that letters be shown casually so word would spread that Montigny had died a natural death in the fortress of Simancas. Later correspondence described him as having passed away there by natural death while held prisoner.
Chapter 112
What did Montigny's widow plead, and what did Philip decide about his confiscated property?
She pleaded in tears, citing her husband's past services, her youth and roughly four months of marriage, and the passion of Christ, asking the king to pardon his faults. Philip refused to honor the grants Montigny had made, and the confiscated estates of the marquis of Bergen were later restored to his heirs in 1577.
Chapter 112

Section 1133 cards

What does Prescott say about the relative reliability of Balbi and Vertot as sources?
The author argues Balbi's testimony is of the highest value: he was an eye-witness and actor in a limited theatre, wrote while events were fresh, and wrote in a temperate, truth-seeking style. Vertot, though resting on sound materials, sounds the note of panegyric and has a turn for the romantic, which somewhat detracts from his value.
Chapter 113
What does Prescott note about the etymological origins of the names Rhodes and Malta?
Prescott reports that "Rhodes" derives from the Greek word for rose, traced by etymologists to the great quantity of wild roses growing on the island. "Malta" (Melita) is traced to the Greek word for honey, from the wild honey of excellent flavor found among its rocks.
Chapter 113
What does the Earl of Carlisle's comparison of Rhodes and Malta illustrate, according to Prescott?
Carlisle, after visiting both islands, notes that L'Isle Adam's companions despaired at Malta's dry, barren surface compared with their lost Rhodes, but that the tables are now turned between the two islands. Prescott says this affords a decisive criterion of the results of Turkish and Christian dominion.
Chapter 113

Section 1144 cards

What did the Grand Master say when he learned the Turks planned to attack the Burgo?
Balbi records that the Grand Master, having never thought of anything but dying for his religion, ordered the bridge removed after moving the relics and valuables to Sant Angel, making clear to all that he would not retreat but would die in the Burgo or defend it.
Chapter 114
How did the defenders react to the Grand Master's speech about trusting only in God?
According to Balbi, the Grand Master's speech spread quickly and the people resolved to die rather than fall into the hands of living Turks, and also resolved to sell their lives dearly; from then on, no talk of relief remained.
Chapter 114
What did the Grand Master order regarding refreshments during assault days?
Balbi states the Grand Master ordered that on every assault day, many bottles of watered wine and bread be carried to all the posts where fighting occurred, to refresh his men, since he could not supply more men.
Chapter 114
How did the defenders react to the bells ringing on the Nativity of Our Lady?
Balbi says he doubts music ever consoled human senses as the sound of the bells did at eight on the Nativity of Our Lady, because the Grand Master had all bells rung at the hour usually reserved for the alarm, and they had not heard them for three months except as an alarm.
Chapter 114

Section 1153 cards

According to Dr. Olivares, how did Prince Carlos fall on the dark stairway?
Olivares reports that after eating, Carlos tried to descend a dark staircase with poor steps, placed his right foot on empty space, twisted his whole body around, and fell four or five steps. His head struck a closed door, leaving him head down and feet up.
Chapter 115
Why did Olivares deny that Carlos's recovery was a miracle?
Olivares judged that, strictly speaking, it was not a miracle, because the prince was cured by natural and ordinary remedies, the same means by which others with the same illness are usually cured even when in equal or greater danger.
Chapter 115
What did Carlos confess to Fray Juan about whom he intended to kill?
Carlos had long been restless, saying he must kill a man with whom he was on bad terms, and told Don Juan of this without naming the man. The prior persuaded him to name the person, and Carlos said it was the King, his father, with whom he was on bad terms.
Chapter 115

Section 1164 cards

What did the prince request to read while imprisoned, according to Nobili?
Nobili reports that Carlos asked to have read to him the statutes and laws of Spain, in which he spent much study. He also wrote a great deal with his own hand but immediately tore up what he wrote. This detail suggests the prince may have been consulting legal texts with reference to his own case.
Chapter 116
How did Philip respond to Murcia's letter of condolence?
Murcia's municipality wrote a loyal letter praising the king for sacrificing even his tender attachment to his own offspring for his subjects' welfare. Prescott notes this might seem irony to some but was received by Philip in good faith. Philip endorsed it in his own hand: 'This letter is written with prudence and discretion.'
Chapter 116
What did Carlos reportedly say before dying about those responsible?
According to a letter of the Nunzio dated July 28, 1568, the prince before death said he forgave everyone, specifically naming his father who had imprisoned him, Ruy Gomez, the Cardinal President, Doctor Velasco, and others by whose counsel he believed he had been taken. He died with much tranquility and constancy, according to the same report.
Chapter 116
What did Llorente establish about the Inquisition and Carlos?
Prescott credits Llorente, as secretary to the Inquisition, with establishing that no process was ever instituted against Carlos by the Holy Office, overturning a vulgar error used by fiction writers. However, Prescott also notes Llorente made contradictory statements four pages apart about whether Carlos confided a desire to kill his father to Don John.
Chapter 116

Section 1174 cards

Who was Hermenegild, and what did Philip II do regarding him?
Hermenegild was a sixth-century Visigothic prince, son of King Leovogild, who was imprisoned and secretly put to death after rebelling. Because he was Catholic while his father was Arian, the Church of Rome regarded him as a martyr. Prescott notes the curious fact that it was Philip the Second who procured Hermenegild's canonization from Pope Sixtus the Fifth.
Chapter 117
What source does Prescott credit for the story of Hermenegild?
Prescott says he owes the story, taken from Florez's compilation "La España Sagrada," to Milman's History of Latin Christianity (London, 1854, vol. I, p. 446). He praises that work for reviewing changes in the Roman hierarchy with curious erudition and a profoundly philosophical spirit, exposing errors and corruptions while showing an enlightened charity he calls the rarest of Christian graces.
Chapter 117
What did De Thou conclude about suspicions that Philip poisoned Isabella?
De Thou, whom Prescott describes as by no means disposed to judge Philip favorably, rejects without hesitation the suspicion of foul play. Some suspected Philip because he had made a crime of Isabella's familiarity with Don Carlos, but De Thou says the contrary is easy to see from the great and sincere grief her death caused at Court and throughout Spain; the King wept for her as a woman he tenderly loved.
Chapter 117
What did Catherine de Medicis say to Isabella at Bayonne, and how did Isabella reply?
Catherine de Medicis tauntingly criticized her daughter at the Bayonne interview for having become altogether a Spaniard, saying "Muy Española venis." Isabella meekly replied that it might be so, but Catherine would still find her the same daughter as when she sent her to Spain. Prescott notes the anecdote is told by Alva in a letter to the king.
Chapter 117

Source and licence

Text used: Project Gutenberg eBook #32600 (Public domain in the United States). Generated from the full text; cards paraphrase the source.

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All questions and answers

Why does Prescott say Philip the Second's reign still needs a new English history?

Why does Prescott call Philip's reign the history of Europe, not just Spain?

What dominant principle does Prescott use to unify Philip's reign?

How does Prescott handle the Netherlands Revolt within his narrative?

Why did Charles V's Spanish subjects feel little affection for him?

What was the outcome of the War of the Comunidades for Spain?

How does the author describe Spain's intellectual life under Charles V?

Why does the author say Charles V's reign was not truly 'national' for Spain?

What did Charles V do on October 25 before entering the great hall to abdicate?

How did Charles explain his decision to abdicate in his speech?

What was the last act of abdication Charles still had to perform, and why was it deferred?

Why did Charles choose the monastery of Yuste for his retirement?

What did Charles's brief stay in Valladolid reveal about Prince Carlos?

Who were Philip's two tutors, and what did each teach him?

What does the chapter say about Philip's reserved temperament as a youth?

What advice did Charles give Philip about relying on advisers like the duke of Alva?

How did Philip first see his bride before the wedding at Salamanca?

What happened to Mary of Portugal after giving birth in 1545?

Why did the Aragonese cortes resist granting supplies to Philip at Monzon?

What did Pope Paul III's embassy, led by Ottavio Farnese, request of Philip at Genoa?

How did Philip's Moorish-style tourney at Milan differ from the European tourney the Italians knew?

What two principles does Prescott suggest Charles inculcated in Philip during his time in Brussels?

What physical features and manner did observers note of Philip at age twenty-one?

How did Philip's tastes and manners differ from those expected by the Flemings?

Why did the German electors and princes prefer Maximilian over Philip?

What was the outcome of Charles's scheme to secure Philip's succession to the empire?

How did Philip's visit to the Netherlands end, and what did it accomplish?

What did the Venetian ambassador Micheli say determined English religious belief?

According to Micheli, what were England's military strengths and weaknesses under Mary?

How does Prescott describe Mary's character and her religious sincerity?

Why does Prescott think Mary's treatment of Elizabeth can be partly excused?

Why did Charles V instruct Renard to approach the Courtenay topic cautiously?

What were the key terms of the marriage treaty?

How did the English react to news of the Spanish match?

What did Renard recommend regarding Philip's retinue and conduct in England?

How did Mary describe her motives when ratifying the marriage treaty?

What significant fact about Philip's courtship does Mary's reply to Egmont reveal?

Who governed Castile during Philip's absence, and under what constraints?

What did Charles V do to make Philip and Mary equal in rank?

Who gave Mary away at the wedding, and why was this improvised?

Why was Cranmer absent from the marriage ceremony?

How did Philip's conduct in England impress contemporary observers?

What concession by Pole reconciled Parliament to reunion with Rome?

What did the Spanish friar De Castro preach about the persecutions?

Why did Philip leave England in 1555?

Who was Paul the Fourth, and what order did he found before becoming pope?

Why did Charles the Fifth dismiss Caraffa from the royal council of Naples?

How did Paul the Fourth behave at table after his election, and what was his favorite theme?

What secret treaty did Paul make with France, and how did it collapse?

What did Henry arrange with Sultan Solyman against Spain?

What pretext did Paul IV use to move against Philip over Naples?

How does Prescott characterize Alva's military qualities?

Why did Philip convene theologians and jurists before war with the pope?

Why did Alva avoid seizing Rome after his successes?

How did the siege of Ostia end for the garrison?

What terms ended the first campaign against Rome?

Why did the duke of Ferrara abandon Guise's campaign?

How did the women of Civitella contribute to its defense?

What rewards did Alva grant Civitella after the siege?

How did Alva fund his army before the campaign?

Why did Alva decline to pursue the retreating French army?

What did Alva reportedly intend toward Pope Paul IV, according to Navagero?

How did Romans react to the night alarm and to the peace?

What does the chapter say about Paul IV's reforms and his death?

How did Philip keep control over England's government while in the Low Countries?

What event finally brought England into the war against France?

How does the author assess Mary's character and reputation?

What made the German reiters so formidable in Philip's army?

What mistake about the ford's width doomed Montmorency's army?

How did the Gascons resist the Spanish cavalry at St. Quentin?

How does Prescott characterize Count Egmont's character and temperament?

What happened to Montmorency at the battle, and how were prisoners treated?

Why did Philip decline to march on Paris after St. Quentin?

How did Coligni defend St. Quentin and inspire its garrison?

What was the outcome of the first assault on St. Quentin, and what changed the second?

What did the German schwarzreiters do that angered their own allies at St. Quentin?

Why did Philip's army shrink after St. Quentin, preventing further conquests?

How did Guise capture Calais from the English in January 1558?

What does Prescott argue about the real significance of losing Calais for England?