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Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic Art Flashcards

Walter Woodburn Hyde · Public domain edition · 425 cards · 114 chapters

Walter Woodburn Hyde argues that Greek athletic art can be reconstructed by combining literary testimony with surviving monuments, while cautioning against easy identifications of Roman copies. The deck covers his source methods, his judgments on Pliny and Pausanias, name spelling, plate citations, and the victor monuments listed by sport.

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Chapter 1 · Question

What two kinds of source material does Hyde use to reconstruct victor monuments?

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Section 14 cards

What two kinds of source material does Hyde use to reconstruct victor monuments?
Hyde divides his sources into literary and archaeological. Literary sources include base inscriptions (many matching epigrams in the Greek Anthologies), incidental statements in classical writers and scholiasts, and above all Pliny and Pausanias. Archaeological sources include surviving victor statues in stone and metal, statue bases whose footmarks reveal poses, and athlete figures on vases, reliefs, gems, and coins.
Chapter 1
How does Hyde rate Pliny's and Pausanias' accounts of Greek art?
Hyde calls Pliny's digression on Greek artists (Historia Naturalis XXXIV-XXXVI) uncritical and often untrustworthy, though one of the chief mines of information on sculptors and painters. Pausanias' Books V-VI on Elis and Olympia show little real understanding of art, but Hyde considers them far more directly important, since they catalogue most athlete monuments in the Altis, probably from personal observation.
Chapter 1
What does Hyde say about identifying Roman copies as Olympic victor statues?
The author argues such identifications are at best tentative. Although archaeologists have often tried to see athlete statues in Roman copies, Hyde stresses that not a single Roman copy has been conclusively proved to be one. Greater probability depends on future discoveries and research, so identification remains a chief problem for future archaeologists.
Chapter 1
What belief do the Olympia marble heads and oldest-dated victor statue overturn?
Hyde says publishing these marble heads and the oldest-dated victor statue, also marble, discussed in Chapter VII, overthrows the belief that all victor statues were uniformly made of bronze. The Olympia head, ascribed to Lysippos, also controverts the usual assumption among archaeologists that Lysippos worked only in metal.
Chapter 1

Section 24 cards

Whom does Hyde thank for reading the proof-sheets of the entire work?
Hyde thanks Professor Lane Cooper of Cornell University for reading the proof-sheets of the entire work. He also thanks Professor Alfred Emerson, then of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, his former teacher, for revising the list of Corrigenda, and generally the many friends who gave valuable suggestions and assistance.
Chapter 2
What method does Hyde adopt for spelling Greek proper names?
Hyde adopts the method outlined in the British School Annual (XV, 1908-09, p. 402), transliterating names of persons, places, buildings, and festivals from the Greek forms, except those that have become part of the English language. He admits consistency seems unattainable and sometimes deviates from familiar English forms.
Chapter 2
Which plate collections does Hyde cite to identify works of art?
For convenience in identifying works of art discussed in text and footnotes, Hyde refers to well-known collections of plates such as those of Brunn-Bruckmann, Bulle, Rayet, and von Mach. He also refers to Reinach's Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine, and sometimes to Clarac's Musée de sculpture antique et moderne and Mueller and Wieseler's Denkmaeler der alten Kunst.
Chapter 2
Which scholars supplied photographs for specific figures in the book?
Dr. J. N. Svoronos supplied a photograph of one of the oldest-dated statues of an Olympic victor (Fig. 79); Dr. A. Fairbanks those of a Charioteer(?) and the fragmentary Oil-pourer head; Dr. Edward Robinson those of Kresilæan and Praxitelian heads and a diskobolos statuette; Prof. Alice Walton one of the Polykleitan athlete; Dr. S. B. Luce two vase-painting photographs; and Dr. Eleanor F. Rambo a Knossos wall-painting copy.
Chapter 2

Section 34 cards

What does the chapter's plate list show about the Delphi Charioteer?
The list identifies a bronze statue of the Delphi Charioteer in the Museum of Delphi, reproduced after Fouilles de Delphes, IV, Pl. L. It is catalogued among charioteer images alongside a bas-relief of a charioteer mounting a chariot from the Akropolis and a charioteer relief from the Mausoleion frieze at Halikarnassos.
Chapter 3
Which monuments does the list associate with the Diadoumenos of Polykleitos?
Two entries: a statue of the Diadoumenos from Vaison, after Polykleitos, in the British Museum, and a head of the Diadoumenos, after Polykleitos, in the Albertinum at Dresden. Both are described as later works after the original, not the original itself.
Chapter 3
What Myron works appear in the plate list, and where are they?
Two statues of the Diskobolos after Myron: one in the Vatican Museum, Rome, and one in the British Museum, London. A separate bronze statuette of a Diskobolos is listed in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, and a diskobolos also appears among athletic scenes on a Bacchic amphora.
Chapter 3
Which combat sports are represented in the listed monuments?
Wrestling appears in scenes on an Andokides amphora in Berlin, a kylix in the University of Pennsylvania Museum, and bronze wrestlers in Naples. Boxing appears in a Douris kylix and other vases, the Seated Boxer's head and forearm, and a boxer from Sorrento by Koblanos. Pankration appears in vase scenes and a bronze statuette from Autun.
Chapter 3

Section 44 cards

Where does Hyde argue Greek athletics originated?
The author argues Greek athletics did not originate in the Aegean or Mycenaean cultures of the Mediterranean stock, but among the northern invaders—the fair-haired Achaeans of Homer and especially the later Dorians in the Peloponnesus. Because these invaders settled most firmly there, he says Greek athletics was chiefly a product of South Greece, where three of the four national festivals arose.
Chapter 4
What sport was national at Knossos, and who practiced it?
At Knossos bull-grappling was the national sport, shown in palace frescoes. It was practiced by female as well as male toreadors. A fresco of about 1500 B.C. found by Sir Arthur Evans in 1901, now in the Candia museum, shows a man somersaulting on a bull's back while cowgirls stand ready to catch him or take position to leap.
Chapter 4
Why did bull-grappling develop in Crete, according to Hyde?
Hyde explains that the horse did not appear in early Aegean times in Crete, so it is not difficult to understand the development of gymnastic sports with bulls. A seal from Knossos, dating about 1600 B.C., shows a vessel with rowers and a huge horse superimposed, which Hyde reads as a graphic record of the cargo—possibly the first importation of horses from Libya.
Chapter 4
How was the Tiryns bull fresco interpreted, and how does Hyde correct it?
Most early writers read the Tiryns fresco as a bull-hunt, with the hunter drawn above the bull through ignorance of perspective; others saw an acrobat leaping on a running animal, recalling Ajax leaping from horse to horse in the Iliad. Hyde says the figure must take its place beside the Knossos scene as another bull-grappling scene.
Chapter 4

Section 54 cards

How does Mosso reinterpret the Vapheio cup scene with two figures and a netted bull?
Mosso argues the two figures are not hunters, since they have no lasso, and the fallen man is uninjured and head-down, so he was not impaled. The figure gripping the horns is a woman acrobat. The net was an obstacle in racing, not a hunting net; the man had stood on the bull, which failed to leap the net and tumbled him over its head.
Chapter 5
What does the Boxer Vase from Hagia Triada depict, and why is it important?
It is a cone-shaped steatite rhyton, 18 inches high, once overlaid with gold foil, from late Minoan I. Its four zones show boxers hitting, guarding, falling, and kicking, plus a bull-grappling scene. Mosso calls it the most complete monument of gymnastic exercise in Mediterranean civilization, proving Cretan physical prowess and love of sport.
Chapter 5
How does the chapter characterize Homeric athletics compared with later organized Greek sport?
The author argues Homeric athletics are true, fully developed, and secular, yet wholly spontaneous: no meets, organized training, stadia, gymnasia, or palaestrae, which did not exist until the sixth century B.C. Homer knows only funeral games, with no trace of athletic meetings honoring a god. The funeral games of Patroklos are the model.
Chapter 5
Which events at Patroklos's funeral games does the chapter consider late additions?
The author states that of the last four events, three are admitted late additions: the single combat between Ajax and Diomedes, the throwing of the solos, and the archery contest. The final spear-casting may be earlier but was not held, since Achilles yielded the prize to Agamemnon. The chariot-race is called the oldest and most aristocratic event.
Chapter 5

Section 64 cards

What evidence does the chapter give that the four national games were funerary in origin?
The author argues the universal tradition of funerary origin is confirmed by the survival of funeral customs in later ritual, by the later custom of holding funeral games for dead warriors in antiquity and modern times, and by early Greek athletic art. Examples include Pausanias' account of a black ram sacrificed to Pelops over a trench and contestants sacrificing first to Pelops, then Zeus.
Chapter 6
How did the worship of Pelops at Olympia differ from that of Zeus?
Pelops was worshipped as a hero, not a god, shown by the black ram offered over a trench rather than on an altar. The scholiast on Pindar says Peloponnesian lads lashed themselves on Pelops' grave until blood ran as a libation. All contestants sacrificed first to Pelops, then to Zeus, and the hero cult of Pelops preceded that of Zeus.
Chapter 6
What was depicted on the chest of Kypselos, and why is it important?
The chest, dedicated in the Heraion at Olympia and described in detail by Pausanias, depicted scenes including the funeral games of Pelias: a two-horse chariot race, boxing, wrestling, a foot-race, quoit-throwing, a victor being crowned, and prize tripods. Its gold-and-ivory relief work is the first Greek example of the technique later used by Pheidias.
Chapter 6
According to the chapter, how did the Eleans come to control the Olympic games?
The author argues the Eleans, supported by the Spartans, prevailed over the jealous Pisatai, who repeatedly tried to regain control. After the Persian wars the Eleans destroyed Pisa and other revolting Triphylian cities and held sole control thereafter. The chapter calls the later priestly story justifying Elean control through prior claim a contrivance contradicted by all the evidence.
Chapter 6

Section 74 cards

What changes did the Delphic festival undergo in 586 B.C. after the Sacred War?
It was changed from an old music festival held every eight years into a Panhellenic festival celebrated every four years (pentaëteris), under the presidency of the Amphiktyonic League. The League introduced athletic and equestrian events copied from Olympia and replaced the older money prizes with the simple bay wreath.
Chapter 7
What prizes did Homer describe at the funeral games of Patroklos?
Each contestant, victorious or not, received a prize. In the chariot-race five prizes were offered: a slave girl and tripod for first, a six-year-old mare in foal for second, a cauldron for third, two talents of gold for fourth, and a two-handled cup for last. The wrestling winner got a tripod worth twelve oxen; the loser a skilled slave woman worth four oxen.
Chapter 7
Which wreaths were awarded at the four great national festivals, according to Pausanias?
Pausanias says the wreath was of wild olive (kotinos) at Olympia, laurel (daphne) at Delphi, pine (pitys) at the Isthmus, and celery (selinon) at Nemea. Phlegon says the olive wreath was first used by Iphitos in Ol. 7 (752 B.C.), given to the Messenian runner Daïkles.
Chapter 7
What kinds of objects did athletic victors dedicate to the gods?
Victors might consecrate their prizes, often tripods, or the object by which they won, as a soldier dedicates arms. Examples include diskoi, jumping-weights (halteres), strigils, torches, actors' masks, ivory lyres and plectra, and chariots or models of them with horses. Some victors, such as runners or singers, were excluded from dedicating equipment owing to the nature of the contest.
Chapter 7

Section 83 cards

How does Hyde reconcile Pliny's claim that all victors set up statues with Pausanias' claim that some distinguished victors had none?
Following Dittenberger, Hyde explains that Pliny states the general privilege extended to victors, while Pausanias describes its practical working out. Setting up a statue was costly to make, transport, and erect, and could be prevented by early death, poverty, or other disability, so many victors settled for small statuettes or reliefs.
Chapter 8
What does Hyde say about the athletic versus musical character of the games at Delphi, the Isthmus, and Nemea?
Hyde argues Delphi was chiefly musical: the Hymn to Apollo with lyre was the oldest and most important event, with flute-singing added by 582 B.C. and lyre-playing in 558 B.C. The Isthmus drew crowds for nearby Corinth, and Solon valued an Isthmian victor at only 100 drachmae versus 500 for Olympia. Nemea, in a retired valley, offered athletics alone.
Chapter 8
What evidence does Hyde give that victor statues stood at Delphi, and where were they placed?
Pausanias mentions only one victor statue, that of Phaÿllos, a pentathlete and runner, and disdains the rest; yet a score or more of inscriptions honoring victors survive, mostly Delphian decrees granting laurel wreaths and seats of honor. Hyde notes statues seem to have stood outside the sacred precinct, since Pausanias mentions the sanctuary after Phaÿllos.
Chapter 8

Section 94 cards

How many statues did the Hellanodikai generally allow per Olympic victory?
Apparently the Hellanodikai allowed but one statue for each victory. Aischines the Elean, Dikon of Kaulonia and Syracuse, Kapros of Elis, and the Spartan Lykinos each had as many statues as victories, though Lykinos's second statue was probably his charioteer's. Troilos of Elis and Arkesilaos of Sparta each had two victories but only one statue. Xenombrotos of Cos, with one victory and two monuments, seems the only known exception.
Chapter 9
Who could set up a victor's statue when he was unable to do so himself?
When the victor could not set up his monument—because of youth, poverty, early death, or other reason—the privilege was sometimes used by a relative, a friend, or his native city. Examples include statues set up by a son, father, mother, brother, fellow citizens, or trainer. The native city often dedicated the statue at Olympia or in the victor's city. It remained a private affair with which the Elean officials had no concern.
Chapter 9
Did boy victors have their statues dedicated by parents or by themselves?
It has been wrongly assumed that monuments of boy victors were dedicated in the name of their parents or relatives. On the contrary, examples dating back to the fifth century B.C. show boys setting up statues at Olympia themselves. The inscription of Tellon, boys' boxing victor in Ol. 77, states he dedicated his own statue, and the Eleans let the boy wrestler Kratinos erect a statue of his trainer. The privilege was granted to the victor, not his relatives.
Chapter 9
How did Greek states reward Olympic victors beyond erecting statues?
Since the victor represented his state, he often received more substantial rewards. At Athens, Solon established money prizes for victorious athletes and ordained that victors eat at the Prytaneion at public expense. An inscription records Panathenaic victors receiving 50 amphorae of oil in the stade-race, 40 for the pancratiast, and 30 for others. Later in Rome, victors received privileges including public maintenance, which Maecenas advised Augustus to limit to victors at Olympia, Delphi, and Rome.
Chapter 9

Section 103 cards

How did Greek cities honor returning Olympic victors?
The home-coming of a victor could prompt a public celebration, sometimes with the whole city turning out. Victories were recorded on pillars, poets composed songs sung by choruses of girls and boys, and statues were sometimes set up in the agora or on the Akropolis. In Magna Graecia and Sicily such adulation became at times very extravagant, as with Exainetos of Akragas.
Chapter 10
Which athletes were worshipped as heroes or gods, and where did this begin?
The author notes that in the West we first hear of victors worshipped as heroes or gods, though the custom soon took root in Greece. Examples include Philippos of Kroton, who received a heroön at Egesta for his beauty; Euthymos of Lokroi, worshipped even before death as son of the river-god Kaikinos; and Theagenes of Thasos, heroized after death.
Chapter 10
Did Pausanias's distinction between votive and honor statues hold in his day?
The author says Pausanias claimed athlete statues at Olympia were marks of honor, not dedicated to Zeus. But inscriptions show the words ἀνάθημα and ἀνέθηκε were used on victor monuments in the imperial age, so the distinction did not hold in Pausanias's day, though it held for centuries before the Roman period. The author suggests Pausanias relied on an earlier writer, not observation.
Chapter 10

Section 114 cards

Besides statues, what other kinds of memorials to Olympic victors does the chapter mention?
The chapter notes several non-statue memorials: a bronze inscribed diskos dedicated by the pentathlete P. Asklepiades in the third century A.D.; a green stone leaping-weight inscribed with the name Kodias, apparently dedicated by a victor; stelae set up for victors in two cases; and a bronze chapel dedicated to Apollo at Olympia by the Sikyonian tyrant Myron, which later became part of the Sikyonian treasury.
Chapter 11
How does Dio Chrysostom distinguish victor statues from honorary statues?
Dio Chrysostom classes victor statues as anathemata (dedications), since they are given to the gods, while portraits (eikones) are timai, honors, given to good men who are nearest to the gods. The chapter adds that honorary statues were free gifts from admirers or states, not a privilege granted to victors, though at Olympia they might still be classed as anathemata because they stood in the sacred precinct.
Chapter 11
According to the chapter, what was the general size of victor statues at Olympia?
No hard and fast rule was followed, but the chapter says the evidence suggests they were generally life-size. Lucian claims the Hellanodikai forbade statues larger than life, yet exceptions existed: footprints show Kallias's statue was larger than life, Eukles's base footprints are about 33 cm, and Diagoras's statue was 4 cubits 5 fingers (about 6 feet 4.5 inches). Some statues were under life-size.
Chapter 11
What common features of victor statues did K. O. Mueller summarize?
Mueller described the whole class of figures as characterized by short curly hair, powerful limbs, a strong build, and comparatively small heads; he said battered ears and prominent muscles especially mark boxers and pancratiasts. The author says this summary largely holds but can be partly corrected and supplemented with other characteristic features.
Chapter 11

Section 123 cards

Who is credited with starting the change from loin-cloth to nudity, and when?
The Megarian runner Orsippos, in the 15th Olympiad (720 B.C.), reportedly dropped his loin-cloth while running, either by accident or because it impeded him. An epigram, perhaps by Simonides, was inscribed on his tomb at Megara; a late Roman or Byzantine copy in the Megarian dialect was found at Megara in 1769.
Chapter 12
Why were women excluded from the Olympic games, and what exception and festival existed?
Women were rigorously excluded from crossing the Alpheios during the festival. Only the priestess of Demeter Chamyne could watch. Women could enter chariot horses and set up monuments if victorious. Pherenike, disguised as a trainer, was pardoned after revealing her sex, but umpires then required trainers to be nude. Women had their own Heraia festival with a foot-race for virgins.
Chapter 12
What was the krobylos, and how did athletic hair fashion change over time?
The krobylos was an Attic hairstyle in which long hair was braided into two plaits wound around the head and tied in a knot, used in boxing and the pankration. Long hair was early discarded in wrestling for practical reasons. Short hair became common on athletes soon after the Persian wars; the Diskobolos of Myron has short hair, and statues after it mostly do too.
Chapter 12

Section 134 cards

According to Pliny, what privilege did victors who won three times at Olympia receive?
Pliny says the ancients dedicated statues of all who conquered at sacred games, especially Olympia, but portrait statues (called "iconic") only if they had conquered three times. Scholars now agree "iconic" means portrait statues, not life-size ones. However, the author notes Pliny's rule is doubtful for monuments before the fourth century B.C., when portraiture was rare.
Chapter 13
What exception to Pliny's three-victory rule does the chapter cite?
An inscription from the base of a monument to the horse-racer Xenombrotos of Cos reads τοῖος, ὁποῖον ὁρᾷς Ξεινόμβροτος, which points to a portrait statue. Yet neither the epigram nor Pausanias indicates he was a τρισολυμπιονίκης, so he appears not to have merited one. The author suggests Pliny's rule may have applied only to gymnic, not equestrian, victors.
Chapter 13
Why does the author argue portrait statues were rare at Olympia?
The author argues the rarity was not because portrait statues were a highly esteemed honor, but because portraiture's realism subordinated beauty to realism and conflicted with the Greek artistic ideal. The Thebans even had a law forbidding caricature and commanding artists to make statues more beautiful than the models. Portrait statues honored the victor's egotism, not just his achievement.
Chapter 13
What did Xenophon's Sokrates say to the sculptor Kleito about lifelike statues?
Sokrates complimented Kleito on representing different physical types from various contests—runners, wrestlers, boxers, pancratiasts. Asked how he makes statues lifelike, Kleito had no answer, and Sokrates said it is by imitating real men, i.e., nature, adding that he must imitate the threatening eyes of fighters and the triumphant expression of victors. The author thinks this refers to older sculptors, not portraiture.
Chapter 13

Section 144 cards

What aesthetic judgments of victor statues do classical writers give?
The chapter cites several: an epigram on Theognetos' statue calls it fairest to see and not worse in form; Pliny praises Mikon's athletes and Kalamis' horses; Pausanias calls Euthymos' statue most worthy of viewing and Leontiskos' work good in sculpture. Pausanias also describes an ugly, tailless horse at Phormis' dedication, though he cares more about its curious effect on stallions.
Chapter 14
What original victor heads survive, and what do they show?
The chapter names a life-size bronze bearded boxer or pancratiast head of the third century B.C. in Athens, with olive crown, wild locks, flattened nose and wide mouth, naturalistic and post-Lysippan. In Munich, a bronze boxer boy's head, probably about twelve, shows a victor band and swollen ear. A Beneventum head in the Louvre and a Herculaneum youth's head in Naples also bear victor fillets.
Chapter 14
How does the chapter define symmetry, rhythm, and analogy in Greek art?
Symmetry is technical regard for placing parts to best advantage; rhythm, following Vitruvius, is the indispensable tertium quid, balance in motion, as when the opposite arm swings while walking; analogy (Latin proportio) is the measured ratio of part to part. Many scholars now treat symmetry and analogy as the same, and Pliny kept the Greek symmetria since Latin lacked an equivalent.
Chapter 14
How did the canons of Polykleitos and Lysippos differ?
Polykleitos' canon, based on his Doryphoros, emphasized squareness and massiveness, usually with weight on the right foot, and made the head one-seventh of total height. Lysippos broke this dominance, giving smaller heads and slenderer limbs, making the head one-eighth, to increase apparent height. Pliny records that Lysippos represented men as they appeared, not as they were, and calls him the first impressionistic artist.
Chapter 14

Section 152 cards

Why is it difficult to distinguish victor statues from those of gods and heroes?
Greek art was mainly idealistic, so athletic sculpture tended to assimilate victor statues to well-known types of gods or heroes, especially Hermes, Apollo, and Herakles, who presided over contests or gymnasia. This reflects the extraordinary honors paid to victors. Without sufficient means of identification, it is often very difficult to distinguish with certainty between statues of victors and those of the gods and heroes to whom they were assimilated, a problem especially observable with Herakles.
Chapter 15
What evidence suggests the Hermes of Andros represents a mortal rather than the god?
The Hermes of Andros was found in a grave-chamber along with a statue of a woman of the Muse type, probably the man's consort. The presence of a snake on the adjacent tree trunk, the absence of sandals and kerykeion, and the portrait-like features all point to a mortal. The downcast, almost melancholy look also makes it a funereal figure, idealized into the type of Hermes, god of the palaestra.
Chapter 15

Section 163 cards

To which sculptors has the Vatican Standing Diskobolos been variously attributed?
The bronze original dates from the second half of the fifth century B.C. and has been assigned to Myron by Brunn, to Alkamenes by Kekulé (followed by Overbeck, Michaelis and Furtwaengler), and to Naukydes, brother and pupil of Polykleitos. Hyde considers the ascription to Naukydes better founded, since the head is Attic rather than Argive and hard to connect with a Peloponnesian artist.
Chapter 16
What does Hyde conclude about the Antikythera bronze youth's date and character?
Early dating proved untenable once the statue was cleaned and pieced together; its Hellenistic character became evident. Gardner saw an eclectic imitator of Praxiteles and Skopas, later than the fourth century; Bulle called it a copy marking the end of the Polykleitan Standmotif and the start of the Lysippan. Hyde concludes it is a representative Hellenistic bronze by a mediocre artist of high technical excellence.
Chapter 16
What interpretations exist for the round object in the Antikythera statue's right hand?
With no certain remnants of the object and no other accessories, interpretations multiply. Svoronos ingeniously argued for Perseus holding Medusa's head, citing a similar pose on coins, gems and rings, though the arm could not carry such weight. Others proposed Euphranor's Paris offering the apple, a sacrificing youth, or a ball-player, alongside the Hermes Logios reading.
Chapter 16

Section 174 cards

What two identifications are debated for the Choiseul-Gouffier statue type?
Scholars debate whether the original of the Choiseul-Gouffier type, known from several replicas including the British Museum statue and the Apollo-on-the-Omphalos in Athens, represented Apollo or an athlete. A quiver on some copies (Torlonia, Kassel, Palatine fragment) supports Apollo; the boxer's thongs on the stump and the athletic form and coiffure support an athlete, as Waldstein argued.
Chapter 17
How does Hyde interpret the so-called Jason of the Louvre?
Hyde argues the Jason statues, copies of an original of the late fourth century B.C., probably represent athletes in the guise of Hermes. Though Arndt referred the type to a Lysippan Hermes, Hyde follows Froehner in thinking they may be athletes even if the type was invented for the god, and notes the sandal-binding pose was likely chosen to display the play of muscles.
Chapter 17
What does Hyde conclude about the Hellenistic statue blending god and athlete?
Hyde finds elements of both god and mortal blended in the statue: the face resembles the Praxitelean Hermes and the right arm's pose recalls the god, while the muscular build suits either Hermes as overseer of the palaestra or an athlete. He therefore considers it reasonable to see an athlete, perhaps a pentathlete, holding a crown or apple as a prize, assimilated to Hermes.
Chapter 17
How was Polykleitos' Doryphoros adapted to represent Hermes?
In Roman days the Doryphoros was adapted to represent Hermes and set up in palaestrae and gymnasia; the Naples copy stood in the Palaistra of Pompeii. A later Hermes-head type often appeared on Doryphoros bodies, and other statues show the Doryphoros body draped with the chlamys, indicating the god. Furtwaengler also showed the Argive schema of Polykleitos' boxer Aristion was used for Hermes statues.
Chapter 17

Section 184 cards

Why does Hyde reject the Apollo attribution for the athlete head type with Apolline curls?
Hyde argues the curls are a purely athletic coiffure found on many ephebe heads by Attic masters of the same or earlier period, so they carry no weight for Apollo. On a British Museum replica, two corkscrew curls behind the ears are so inorganically attached that a copyist likely added them to convert an athlete type into an Apollo; the quiver on other copies may likewise be a copyist's addition.
Chapter 18
What did Loewy argue against Hauser's theory that the Diadoumenos was originally an Apollo?
Loewy opposed Hauser by showing that the palm-tree prop in all marble replicas of the Diadoumenos points to athletic victories. He explained the Delian copy's Apolline attributes as natural additions by an artist living on the god's reputed birthplace. His ascription of the statue to the pentathlete Pythokles is doubtful, and Ada Maviglia later gave literary grounds for treating it as an athlete, not Apollo.
Chapter 18
Why did the Elean umpires bar contestants from entering both wrestling and pankration after 37 A.D.?
Herakles was reputed founder of the Olympic games and a famous wrestler who won both wrestling and the pankration at Olympia. Pausanias names victors who won both on the same day, and Africanus supplies their dates. After the last such victory, Ol. 204 (= 37 A.D.), the Elean umpires refused to let contestants enter both events in order to check professionalism. Such victors were specially noted and called paradoxos or paradoxonikes.
Chapter 18
Why is it hard to tell a Herakles statue from a victor statue, and what does Hyde say about ears?
Hyde says the difficulty exceeds distinguishing victors from Hermes or Apollo, quoting Homolle that one may ask whether the figure is the hero in athlete's guise or an athlete made in the hero's image. Swollen ears are not the deciding criterion, since many heroes had the pancratiast ear; fillets also appear on both. Hyde notes Furtwaengler held that heads with the rolled fillet cannot be classed as victors.
Chapter 18

Section 194 cards

How does Hyde divide the victor statues at Olympia into two main groups?
Hyde divides them into statues representing the victor standing or seated at rest, before or after the contest, and those representing him in movement, in some contest schema. He says the at-rest class forms by far the greater number and shows the richer motives, with quiet, reserved poses and earnest expressions. Examples include the Oil-pourer, the Diadoumenos, and the Apoxyomenos.
Chapter 19
Why does Hyde keep the name 'Apollo' type though it fits gods and mortals?
Hyde says we now know the type passed equally well for gods and mortals, but the name is kept because of its familiarity and to have a common designation. He notes the type is the most characteristic of the early period, from the end of the seventh century B.C. to the gable groups of Aegina, and that Pausanias' description of Arrhachion's statue confirms it represented victors.
Chapter 19
What two groups do the 'Apollo' statues form, and on what basis?
Hyde says they are divided by facial expression into a 'grinning' group, with the corners of the mouth turned up in the archaic smile, represented by examples from Thera, Melos, Volomandra, and Tenea, and a 'stolid' group, with the mouth forming a straight line, represented by examples from Orchomenos and Mount Ptoion. He adds there are essential differences within each group, such as square versus sloping shoulders.
Chapter 19
How does Hyde trace the freeing of the arms in 'Apollo' statues?
Hyde traces it as a series: at Thera the arms hang close to the sides, detached only slightly at the elbows for fear they might break; at Orchomenos and Mount Ptoion the space grows; at Melos only the hands are glued to the thighs; at Tenea small marble bridges hold the hands; and in two Mount Ptoion examples the arms are free, though they broke off.
Chapter 19

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What did Philostratos claim Milo of Kroton's statue held and stood on?
Philostratos says the statue stood on a quoit (diskos) with feet close together, the left hand grasping a pomegranate, the fingers of the right hand extended straight out, and a fillet encircling the brows. He has Apollonios explain these as priestly attributes of a priest of Hera, but Scherer objected that the statue was of Milo the victor, not the priest.
Chapter 20
How did the Argive school advance the rigid 'Apollo' type before Polykleitos?
Bulle shows the Argive school continued the restful pose but counteracted rigidity by inclining the head to the side and throwing weight unevenly on the legs, lowering one hip and advancing one foot. The central line became curved rather than vertical, allowing greater detail to chest and abdomen. Polykleitos perfected this curve and threw back the left foot, establishing the regular scheme of 'free' and 'rest' legs.
Chapter 20
Why did Olympic victors keep setting up 'Apollo'-type rest statues so late?
The author argues that despite later improvements, Olympic victors continued dedicating statues in the rest attitude of the 'Apollo' type down perhaps into the third century B.C. Such dedications resulted from both school tendencies and economy, especially for equestrian victors, who often were content to use such 'actionless' statues instead of groups. Examples include Timon of Elis by Daidalos and Telemachos of Elis by Philonides.
Chapter 20
What chronological problem surrounds Ageladas and Pheidias?
A scholion on Aristophanes' Ranae dates Ageladas' Herakles Alexikakos after Athens' pestilence of 431-430 B.C. and makes him Pheidias' teacher. But his statue of victor Anochos commemorated a victory of 520 B.C., making that late date impossible. A better tradition names Hegias as Pheidias' teacher. Kalkmann and others solve it by attributing the Alexikakos to a younger Ageladas, grandson of the famous master.
Chapter 20

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What did Pausanias claim about the sculptors of the Olympia gable sculptures?
Pausanias stated that the East Gable was by Paionios of Mende in Thrace and the West Gable by Alkamenes, known as the pupil of Pheidias. This was not doubted until the Olympia sculptures were discovered, after which doubts arose on chronological and stylistic grounds; the author notes that now only a few archaeologists would maintain either artist had anything to do with the groups.
Chapter 21
To which schools have scholars assigned the Olympia gable sculptures?
The author reports many attributions: Brunn to a North Greek-Thracian school; Flasch and Joubin to the Attic; Kekulé and Friedrichs-Wolters to a West Greek (Sicilian) school due to similarity with metopes of temple E at Selinos; Furtwaengler to an Ionic (Parian) one. Most scholars, including Lange, Treu, Studniczka, Collignon, and Overbeck, referred them to Peloponnesian sculptors.
Chapter 21
What characteristics of the Akropolis bronze head link it to the Ligourió statuette?
The author describes the archaic bronze head of a youth found on the Akropolis, dating about 480 B.C., as showing a serious mouth, strong chin, heavy upper eyelids, and finely worked hair — traits also found in the Ligourió statuette. These traits, the author argues, show both works were forerunners of the Apollo of the West Gable at Olympia. Richardson inclined to see the head as possibly by Hagelaïdas; Furtwaengler ascribed it to Hegias.
Chapter 21
What does the author say about Polykleitos's career and his statues at Olympia?
Polykleitos, a Sikyonian by birth, migrated early to Argos to become the pupil of Hagelaïdas and became the great master of the Argive school in the next generation. He made four statues at Olympia: the boxer Kyniskos of Mantinea (probably his earliest, Ol. 80), the pentathlete Pythokles and boxer Aristion (Ol. 82), and the boy boxer Thersilochos (Ol. 87). Footprints on three recovered bases show all were represented at rest.
Chapter 21

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What works did Onatas create at Olympia, and who commissioned them?
Onatas, the most famous Aeginetan sculptor (floruit first half of the fifth century B.C.), made a colossal Herakles dedicated by the Thasians, a Hermes dedicated by the people of Pheneus, and a group of nine Greek heroes with a statue of Nestor dedicated by the Achaians. He also made a chariot and charioteer for Hiero of Syracuse's Olympic victory of 468 B.C., with Kalamis furnishing two horses.
Chapter 22
How does the chapter date and attribute the Aphaia temple pediments?
The pediment groups, found in 1811 and restored by Thorwaldsen, represent the highest period of Aeginetan art. They have been dated from the late sixth century to after Salamis; the author argues a date just after the battle is probably correct, since Aeginetans won prizes of valor there. Assigning them to Onatas or Kallon is merely conjectural, as both are known only as bronze workers.
Chapter 22
How does the chapter contrast Aeginetan and Attic archaic art?
Brunn, arguing from the stele of Aristion, held that archaic Attic art was characterized by grace and dignity of effect, while Aeginetan art showed a finer study of nature. The author states this generalization is no longer inference but knowledge. The Aeginetan pediment figures show finely trained nude athletes with great observation of muscles and veins, slightly under life-size, short and stocky.
Chapter 22
What does the Rampin head show about Ionic influence in Attic art?
The Rampin head, found in Athens in 1877 and now in the Louvre, shows Ionism at flood tide in athletic art. Its elaborate frisure suits a female statue more than a male, with plaited beard and traces of red paint on mustache, beard, and hair. The smiling mouth, high ears, and almond eyes recall archaic works, especially the Apollo of Tenea; its oak garland may suggest a victor.
Chapter 22

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Which Athenian sculptors made victor statues at Olympia after Myron?
Only four later Athenian artists are named: Silanion (fourth century, statues for three victors, victories from Ols. 102 to 114, i.e. 372 to 324 B.C.); Polykles the Elder (boy pancratiast Amyntas of Eresos, Ol. 146, 196 B.C.); and Timarchides and Timokles, sons of Polykles, who jointly made the boxer Agesarchos of Tritaia (Ol. 143, 208 B.C.).
Chapter 23
How does Hyde describe the correct Greek hand position in prayer?
Monumental evidence shows the hands in prayer should have palms turned away from the face rather than upwards, since the Greek position grew out of an old apotropaic gesture directed against an evil spirit. This corrects the restored uplifted arms of the Berlin Praying Boy, which were probably made in Louis XIV's time when the statue was in France.
Chapter 23
Why was oil used in athletic exercises, and how do oil-pouring statues show it?
Oil was indispensable in athletic exercises to make body and limbs supple and, especially in wrestling and the pankration, to make it difficult for an antagonist to get a grip. Vase-paintings show athletes holding a round aryballos high in the right hand and pouring oil into the left held across the body; statues such as the Munich Oelgiesser vary this motive.
Chapter 23
What is the oil-scraping (apoxyomenos) motive, and which sculptors are credited with it?
After the contest the athlete scraped oil and dirt from body and arms with the strigil (stlengis, strigilis). Pliny mentions athletes destringentes se by Polykleitos, Lysippos, and Daidalos of Sikyon; the perixyomenoi of Antignotos and Daippos may share the motive. The Vatican Apoxyomenos is long held to represent Lysippos' canon, though recent doubts are treated later.
Chapter 23

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How is the Uffizi Apoxyomenos now interpreted and restored?
It represents an apoxyomenos, not an ephebe pouring oil. It should be restored with the left forearm close to the thigh and the right crossing the abdomen diagonally toward the left hand. The pose closely matches a figure on a gem holding a strigil in both hands, scraping the left thigh, suggesting both are copies of one original.
Chapter 24
What does the Delphi grave-relief depict and to whom is it attributed?
A much-mutilated marble grave-relief at Delphi, dating from the middle of the fifth century B.C., shows a palaestra victor cleansing himself with a strigil held in his right hand while a slave boy holding an aryballos looks up at him. Its careful anatomy may point to Pythagoras of Samos as author, fitting Pliny's description of him as first to express sinews and veins.
Chapter 24
How does Furtwaengler interpret the Idolino and kindred works?
Furtwaengler interprets the Idolino and kindred works as divinities. Though boys serve at libations, he thinks they never perform the ritual act of pouring the libation. He calls a libation-pourer appearing in the guise of a boy victor, such as Xenokles, a genuine Argive trait. The author leaves the motive open but inclines to the victor interpretation.
Chapter 24
What did Svoronos argue about the Idolino?
Svoronos tried to show that the Idolino is not a victor but represents the hero Herakles. He compares it with a fourth-century Pentelic marble relief in Athens showing Herakles at the door of Hades holding a kylix in the right hand and a club in the left, with a lion skin over the left arm. He believes the left hand's turning in reflects a club.
Chapter 24

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Why has the Dresden Satyr been linked to Praxiteles' Periboëtos, and why was that ascription abandoned?
The Dresden Satyr pours wine from a can into a drinking-horn, and many copies show the original bronze was famous. It was tentatively identified with Praxiteles' bronze Satyr called the Periboëtos, which Pliny says was grouped with a Dionysos and Drunkenness—a grouping that might fit if a second figure is imagined receiving the wine. The ascription was given up because it differs stylistically from the Hermes of Olympia, though it shows Praxitelean influence and emanates from the fourth century B.C.
Chapter 25
What does the Seated Boxer in the Museo delle Terme depict, and how does it differ from fifth-century ideals?
It is a bronze of a professional boxer seated exhausted after the bout: he leans forward, arms on thighs, head sunk and turned right, nose broken, ears swollen, teeth knocked out, blood dripping from ears and lacerations. The author calls it a masterpiece portraying brute strength in the most naturalistic and revolting way, showing the change professionalism wrought in the Greek athletic ideal compared with fifth- and fourth-century works. It is a Greek original of the early Hellenistic age, not a Roman copy.
Chapter 25
Why did Wunderer's identification of the Seated Boxer with Kleitomachos fail?
Wunderer tried to identify the statue with the Olympia statue of the Theban boxer and pancratiast Kleitomachos, based on Polybios' story that Kleitomachos chided the spectators for cheering the Egyptian Aristonikos and so turned the crowd. The author rejects this: the boxer is not speaking but breathing hard, the seated posture is not that of one haranguing a crowd, and the date of the Theban's victory is too late for the statue.
Chapter 25
What did Waldstein argue about the victor fillet, and what evidence does the author cite against Passow?
Waldstein argued the fillet was not originally an essential victor attribute: crown and palm were the prizes, and the fillet was a decoration used on various occasions such as symposia, only later becoming a general athletic attribute. The author agrees its presence alone does not prove a victor statue, but rejects Passow's claim that the tainia was merely a toilet article. Pausanias says Lichas of Sparta was scourged for setting the tainia on his charioteer's head, and Nike holds one in Pheidias' Zeus.
Chapter 25

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What does the Peiraeus statue of a nude boy hold, and what covers his body?
The life-size Roman-period statue from the Peiraeus shows a nude boy holding a bundle of books in his right hand over the breast and an alabastron in his left. His body is covered with fifteen fillets, which appear to have been prizes won in gymnic contests, probably at the gymnasium or palaestra.
Chapter 26
Why does Hyde reject identifying Pheidias' boy fillet-binder with the victor Pantarkes?
Hyde rejects the identification because Pausanias mentions the two statues in different parts of his periegesis of the Altis. Of the boy fillet-binder only the artist's name is known, and it was probably a votive gift whose honoree Pausanias did not know; of Pantarkes' statue only the name is known. Hyde concludes there are three distinct monuments.
Chapter 26
Why do many archaeologists see the Farnese Diadoumenos as a copy of Pheidias' Olympia statue?
Pausanias says a Pheidias statue of an unknown boy binding a fillet stood at Olympia; the Farnese statue's style resembles Parthenon frieze figures, and its motive matches the Olympia statue. Furtwaengler and Bulle showed Pheidias initiated the motive before Polykleitos' later work, and Pheidias repeated it on the throne of Zeus.
Chapter 26
How do the Vaison and Delian copies of Polykleitos' Diadoumenos differ?
The Vaison marble, found in 1862 and now in the British Museum, is a Roman copy made perhaps five hundred years after the bronze, so its muscular treatment appears exaggerated. The Delian copy, found in 1894 and now in Athens, is Hellenistic and closer to the original; its artist added a mantle and quiver, converting a victor statue into a god.
Chapter 26

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What gesture does the Westmacott Athlete series likely depict, and what supports this?
Most archaeologists favor the interpretation, first suggested by Winnefeld, that the boy is crowning himself. The Barracco copy preserves the right arm to the wrist, and the Eleusis statue has a mass of marble over the right ear where a hand would set a wreath. The author notes the wreath may have been metal even in marble copies, explaining the absence of attachment marks.
Chapter 27
Why does the author doubt the copies represent Kyniskos's statue at Olympia?
The author rehearses several objections: the foot on the Olympia base cannot be accurately measured; Polykleitos made other victor statues with nearly identical foot position; it seems unlikely so celebrated an original stood in the Altis as late as Pausanias; an Attic sculptor copying an Arkadian boy victor for Eleusis is hard to explain; and no Roman copy has been conclusively identified with an Olympia victor statue.
Chapter 27
How does the author relate the Westmacott type to Polykleitos's Diadoumenos?
The author argues the original's motive is allied to the Diadoumenos: whereas the Diadoumenos ties on a victor's fillet, the other presumably places a victor's wreath on his head. The modeling is too soft for Polykleitos himself, showing copyists changed the original to suit later taste. The heads resemble the Doryphoros, and the body forms resemble both the Doryphoros and Diadoumenos.
Chapter 27
What was the palm-branch's role as a victor attribute, and how does it survive in marble?
Pausanias says a crown of palm leaves was common to many contests and that victors everywhere in Greece carried a palm-branch in the right hand, tracing the custom to Theseus's contest on Delos. Pliny mentions Eupompos's painting of a victor holding a palm. The attribute, permanent in bronze, was mostly broken off in marble; it survives on an unfinished Athenian athlete and appears on vases.
Chapter 27

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What does the chapter conclude about swollen ears as an attribute of boxers?
The chapter argues the assumption that heads with swollen ears come from boxer statues, and that the boxer was known as the "man with the crushed ear," is erroneous. Swollen ears were a professional characteristic common to athletes of various sorts—pancratiasts, wrestlers, and athletes in general—and also appear on warriors, gods, and heroes.
Chapter 28

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What does Hyde say about Cornelius Nepos's claim on motion statues?
Cornelius Nepos stated that athlete statues were first shown in movement in the fourth century B.C., after the time of Chabrias. Hyde says this statement has long since been shown to be worthless. Hyde also rejects the assumption that athletic sculpture adopted motion soon after the Tyrannicides were set up at Athens.
Chapter 29
What evidence does Hyde give that motion statues predate the sixth century?
Hyde argues motion statues were ancient in Greek art: winged figures like the Nike of Archermos from Delos, perhaps coeval with Nikandre's dedication, show flying figures at the start of the sixth century B.C. He also cites Old Kingdom Egyptian statuettes of a slave woman grinding corn and Cretan skill in rendering movement in the round, disproving any gradual development from the static 'Apollo' type.
Chapter 29
Which Herakles heads show swollen ears, and what is the earliest dated example?
Swollen ears are common on Herakles heads. The first dated representation of the hero with battered ears appears on coins of Euagoras I, king of Salamis in Cyprus, 410-374 B.C. Sculptural examples include the Skopaic Capitoline head with victor fillet, the Genzano terminal bust in the British Museum, and the Chiaramonti and Naples replicas.
Chapter 29

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What evidence shows Pythagoras made statues in motion?
Pliny mentions his statue of a limping man at Syracuse in very realistic terms, proving he did make statues in motion. Other athlete statues in motion are known only by inference, such as the Delphian pancratiast, which Pliny says surpassed Myron and his own Leontiskos. The author notes we cannot say definitely, since Mikon's contemporary pancratiast Kallias was shown at rest.
Chapter 30
Why does the author call ascribing sculptures to Pythagoras hazardous?
The author argues it is hazardous because there is no fixed criterion from an authenticated original work, and Pythagoras is little known beyond a bare list of athlete statues. Scholars disagree widely: Furtwaengler, Arndt, and Schober assign the Perinthos, Riccardi, and Ince Blundell heads differently. Arndt finds separating Myron from Pythagoras impossible, chiefly because all are copies and heads may not belong to their torsos.
Chapter 30
What new principle did Myron introduce, and how does the Diskobolos show it?
Myron was the first Greek sculptor to make statues and groups self-sufficient, giving them a concentration that keeps the spectator's attention from wandering. The author contrasts the Diskobolos with the Tyrannicides group, which needs an imagined third figure, the tyrant, to complete it. The Diskobolos shows a trained palaestra athlete in graceful violent action with an impassive face, unlike the Marsyas' harmonious expression.
Chapter 30
Which copy of the Diskobolos best preserves the original pose, and why?
The most faithful copy is the marble statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome, discovered on the Esquiline in 1781. Because its head has never been broken from the body, it preserves the original pose, whereas all other copies have the head turned the wrong direction. The most carefully worked copy is the Parian marble torso found in 1906 at Castel Porziano, now in the Museo delle Terme.
Chapter 30

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How does the Lancellotti copy of Myron's Diskobolos differ from the Vatican and British Museum replicas?
The Lancellotti copy turns the head back toward the hand holding the quoit, matching Lucian's description of the original; the Vatican, British Museum and other replicas show the head turned downwards. Two bronze statuettes in Munich and Arolsen and a gem in the British Museum corroborate the backward turn. Myron fixed the momentary pause at the end of the backward swing, combining rest and implied motion.
Chapter 31
How did Quintilian and Lessing defend Myron's Diskobolos against criticism of its strained pose?
Quintilian says anyone who blames the statue for its labored effect is wrong, since the novelty and difficulty of the work are its chief merits. Lessing, in the Laokoön, argues the artist can use only a single moment from one viewpoint and must choose the most fruitful moment, one that leaves the imagination free. The author notes Greek art was mostly characterized by repose, making the bold effect unusual.
Chapter 31
What running races existed at the great games, and how did sprinters and endurance runners differ in style?
Four chief races: the stade-race (one stadion, 600 Greek feet), the double race (diaulos, there and back), the long race (dolichos, variously seven to twenty-four stades, a test of endurance), and the race in armor. Panathenaic vases show sprinters swinging arms violently, fingers spread, touching only with toes, while dolichodromoi ran with long stride, arms bent close to the body and fists doubled, per Philostratos.
Chapter 31
What does the chapter say about the stade-race's supposed supremacy at Olympia and the eponymous victor custom?
The author argues the common notion that the men's stade-race was honored above all events at Olympia is incorrect. Thucydides dates by Olympic pancratiasts, and the earliest inscription using Olympiads for chronology uses the later pankration. Athens' literary supremacy, where the stade-race mattered most at the Panathenaia, likely helped make the Olympic stade runner eponymous, a custom not generally used before the third century B.C.
Chapter 31

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What pose did archaic art typically use to depict runners?
The typical archaic and archaistic scheme showed the runner with one knee nearly touching the ground, the upper leg forming a right angle with the lower, and the other leg perpendicular to the upper. This scheme appears on many vases, reliefs, statuettes, and statues, and vase-painters kept it up down to the red-figured masters.
Chapter 32
How do the two Velletri marble statues in the Palazzo dei Conservatori differ in date?
Stylistic differences show they are copies of statues by different artists of different times: one belongs to the severe style of the last quarter of the fifth century B.C., while the other, with softer forms, smaller head, and deeper-set eyes, is a product of the fourth century B.C. They therefore never formed a single group.
Chapter 32
According to the epigrams, how did Myron depict the runner Ladas?
The epigrams say Myron showed Ladas at full strain, on tiptoe, breathing out his panting soul, with eagerness for the Pisa crown stamped on his whole body. The author concludes Ladas was represented in the final spurt just before reaching the goal, his eagerness visible in the whole body, not only the face.
Chapter 32
How has the Spinario (Thorn-puller) been interpreted, and what date does the author favor?
Some scholars see it as a late adaptation of a Hellenistic genre original; others, including Helbig, see an original of 460–450 B.C. because the face resembles the Olympia gable statues. The author argues the Roman statue is a copy (the rock is cast with the figure) and that the original belongs to the fifth century B.C., so a definite incident, possibly a boy runner, must be represented.
Chapter 32

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How did the armor worn in the Olympic hoplitodromos change over time?
Pausanias and vase-paintings indicate competitors originally ran with helmets, greaves, and round shields. The Eleans and other Greeks later gave up the greaves, and the helmet disappeared after them, but the shield was never abandoned—hence the event was later sometimes called merely aspis. Hauser traced greave use on vases: varied before about 520 B.C., general until about 450 B.C., then disused.
Chapter 33
What was the hoplitodromos, and why did it lack prestige?
It was the race in armor, practically valuable for training soldiers, so it appealed to trained athletes and ordinary citizens alike. It belonged to 'mixed athletics'—competitions run under handicap conditions, like obstacle races—and so never attained the prestige of strictly athletic events. It came last among the gymnic contests at Olympia, followed by the equestrian events, and varied by place in distance, armor, and rules.
Chapter 33
How does Hyde interpret the Tuebingen bronze statuette?
The 0.16-meter bronze shows a bearded, nude man wearing an Attic helmet, feet together, knees bent, body forward, right arm extended and left crooked at the hip. Hyde rejects the charioteer reading of Schwabe and Wolters and, following Hauser, de Ridder, and Bulle, calls it a hoplitodrome practicing a preliminary start, the left arm having carried a round shield. He dates it to the early fifth century B.C.
Chapter 33
Why does Hyde doubt that the Borghese Warrior is a hoplitodrome?
Rayet and Six revived Quatremère de Quincy's reading of the Borghese Warrior by Agasias as a hoplite runner nearing the goal. Hyde objects that the statue has no helmet, that its attitude and upward gaze are not those of a runner, and that the usual interpretation—a warrior defending himself against a foe above, perhaps on horseback—fits better. He suggests the artist represented a fighting pose, not an actual fight.
Chapter 33

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When was the men's pentathlon introduced at Olympia, and when the boys'?
The men's pentathlon was introduced at Olympia toward the end of the eighth century, in Ol. 18 (= 708 B.C.), at the same time as wrestling. The boys' pentathlon followed eighty years later, in Ol. 38 (= 628 B.C.), but it was stopped soon after. Pausanias mentions fifteen pentathlon victors at Olympia with statues, for seventeen victories, giving pentathletes sixth rank there by number.
Chapter 34
What are the five events of the pentathlon, and how does Simonides' epigram list them?
The five events are jumping, foot-racing, diskos-throwing, javelin-throwing, and wrestling. Simonides' epigram on the pentathlete Diophon, who won at Delphi and on the Isthmus, lists them in its second line as ἅλμα, ποδωκείην, δίσκον, ἄκοντα, πάλην. Jumping, diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing are called the three peculiar or characteristic events of the pentathlon.
Chapter 34
Why was the pentathlete considered the typical athlete, and what statue embodied this?
The pentathlon represented the whole physical training of Greek youths, so the pentathlete was looked upon as the typical athlete, superior to others in all-round development even if surpassed in special events. For this reason Polykleitos made a statue of a javelin-thrower, the Doryphoros, to embody the principles of his athlete canon as the best example of an all-round man.
Chapter 34
What does the chapter conclude about the recorded jumps of Phaÿllos and Chionis?
Phaÿllos' jump at Delphi is recorded as 55 feet and Chionis' at Olympia as 52. The author argues these cannot be ordinary broad jumps, even granting Greek superiority, and that no evidence exists for springboards or raised platforms. He suggests triple jumps, though with great difficulty, or simply mistakes in the records; Chionis' 52 (νβʹ) probably should read 22 (κβʹ), since the Armenian Latin text reads duos et viginti cubitus.
Chapter 34

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According to vase-paintings, how did ancient jumpers use halteres during the jump?
Vase-paintings show the jumper swinging the halteres forward and upward to head level or higher, then bringing them down while bending forward until the hands were below the knees, with the jump occurring on the return swing. The vases depict the preliminary swing most commonly, plus the top of the upward swing, the bottom of the downward swing, midair, and just before landing. Running jumps are the ones most commonly depicted.
Chapter 35
Why does Hyde argue the jump was better suited to vase-painters than sculptors?
The author argues the jump's movements were specially adapted to the vase-painter rather than the sculptor. If any jump movement suited sculpture, it would be the early position with weights swung forward and upward, as on an incised bronze diskos from Sicily in the British Museum. A small fifth-century bronze statuette in the Metropolitan Museum may show a jumper taking off or finishing, but lacking halteres it cannot represent a pentathlete.
Chapter 35
What does the Bybon stone from Olympia show about early diskos throwing?
A red-sandstone mass weighing 143.5 kilograms (315 pounds), found at Olympia, bears a sixth-century inscription saying one Bybon threw it over his head. Hyde says there is nothing athletic about the use of such a stone or the Homeric solos. Homer knew the diskos, which was of stone; Pindar's heroes still hurl stone diskos, and the stone diskos appears as a white object on sixth-century vases.
Chapter 35
How did Gardiner reconstruct the diskos throw, and which positions lack sculptural evidence?
Gardiner distinguished seven positions illustrated by monuments, showing the swing was always in a vertical arc and the throw made from a position like Myron's statue, though preliminary movements varied. Positions one through four appear in sculpture, including Myron's and Naukydes' statues; for the last three positions (5, 6, 7) the only illustrations appear to be vase-paintings.
Chapter 35

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Why did Reisch doubt that javelin-throwers appeared as victors in sculpture?
Reisch and others doubted it because of an assumed lack of sculptural monuments for javelin-throwers. The author argues there is no a priori reason athletic sculptors could not have made statues in any of the three poses Gardiner distinguished on vase-paintings, even if the contest suited the painter better than the sculptor, and promises to show such monuments existed.
Chapter 36
What pose does the Doryphoros take, and what did his left hand hold?
The Doryphoros shows a thick-set youth with weight on the right leg, left leg thrown back and touching only with the toes, seemingly ready to advance though the shoulders do not share the walking action. He stands at the transition from walking to rest, a theoretical pose. His left hand held a short akontion over the shoulder, not the long spear (dory) from which the name derives.
Chapter 36
What was Polykleitos' innovation in the Doryphoros, and who may have invented the walking motive?
Polykleitos placed the legs one behind the other so the figure, while apparently resting on one, seemed to be advancing. It is generally assumed from Pliny that Polykleitos introduced the walking motive into sculpture, but the author argues this motive was probably invented by the earlier Argive school and borrowed by Polykleitos for his canon, as in the so-called Munich King (Zeus?) of about 460 B.C.
Chapter 36
What arguments support reading the Doryphoros as a pentathlete victor?
Furtwaengler concluded an athlete statue with an akontion might be loosely called a spear-bearer, and thought the original might represent an Olympic pentathlete set up at Argos; Bulle also sees a victor. A late Roman copy found at Olympia may be an athlete's dedication. Treu's objection that the torso exceeds life-size fails, since exceptions to the rule existed at Olympia.
Chapter 36

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How did Greek boxing gloves change over time, and how does Hyde date monuments by them?
Hyde divides Greek boxing into two periods by glove type. From Homer to the end of the fifth century B.C., soft thongs (himantes, meilichai) were used; afterward the heavy gloves (sphairai or himantes oxeis) came into fashion. The weighted Roman cestus was not used in Greek contests. Because glove type changed, it frequently helps date a given monument.
Chapter 37
According to Hyde, were wrestling groups set up at Olympia, and what did victor statues typically show?
Hyde considers it doubtful. Chariot groups were common, but he sees no reason a victorious wrestler would be paired with his defeated opponent, and Pausanias mentions no such groups. He infers the wrestler usually contented himself with a single statue, shown either in repose or motion, as footprints on bases of Paianios and Xenokles attest.
Chapter 37
What does Pausanias say about the soft boxing straps worn by Kreugas?
Pausanias says boxers of that era did not yet wear the sharp thong on each wrist but boxed with soft straps (meilichai), fastened under the hollow of the hand so the fingers stayed bare. These were thin thongs of raw cowhide plaited in an ancient fashion. Hyde notes the description matches the bronze arm found off Antikythera so closely it reads as if written before the statue.
Chapter 37

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What features distinguish the glove on the Seated Boxer's forearms?
A close-fitting glove covers each forearm, leaves the upper finger joints free and the palm open, extends above the wrist, and ends in a fur rim. Three thick leather bands over it cover the first finger joints, fastened with metal clasps outside the hands, with a soft pad preventing chafing. Two narrow straps interlaced around hand and wrist keep them in place and strengthen the wrists.
Chapter 38
What does Hyde argue about the cestus and Greek boxing?
The author argues the metal cestus was a Roman invention: no late Greek writer—Plutarch, Pausanias, or Philostratos—mentions the loaded glove, and the 'sharp thongs' sufficed for the injuries in the Greek Anthology. He argues the cestus, perhaps used in later gladiatorial shows in Greece but never in the great games, gave real boxing its death blow; Virgil describes it and its vicious results.
Chapter 38
How does Hyde explain the date discrepancy for Philippos's statue base?
Pausanias says Myron made the statue, but the bronze plate is dated to the late fourth or early third century B.C. Hyde's own solution: the statue Pausanias saw represented not Philippos but an earlier unnamed Arkadian boxer contemporary with Myron. Years later Philippos won and attached the recovered epigram, plus a newer one saying he restored Myron's statue; Pausanias saw only the newer, the older being illegible from weathering.
Chapter 38
What positions do boxers take on the Douris kylix in the British Museum?
Besides two athletes preparing to put on thongs, three pairs of boxers are shown in a bout. In two groups one contestant is seen from behind; in all three the boxers extend the left arm for guarding and draw the right back for hitting, fists level with the shoulders. One group shows the fight's beginning, the others perhaps its middle and end; in the last, a fallen boxer raises his finger in token of defeat, stopping the final blow.
Chapter 38

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What moves were forbidden in the pankration, and which city allowed exceptions?
Lucian and Philostratos mention prohibitions against biting and gouging, which Gardiner thinks quote Olympia's rules since Aristophanes twice cites them. Philostratos, however, says the Spartans allowed both biting and gouging, while the Eleans permitted only strangling. A British Museum kylix shows a thumb gouging an eye, with an official rushing up with his rod to punish the breach.
Chapter 39
When was the pankration introduced at Olympia, and when was the boys' contest added?
The pankration was introduced at Olympia in Ol. 33 (= 648 B.C.), long after wrestling and boxing had appeared there separately. The boys' pankration was instituted at Olympia in Ol. 145 (= 200 B.C.), though it had appeared elsewhere much earlier. Homer did not know the event; later writers ascribed its invention to Theseus or Herakles. Pausanias records statues for twenty victors in thirty victories.
Chapter 39
How does Hyde argue the pankration was regarded compared with boxing?
Hyde argues the pankration was never the brutal sport some modern writers picture, though Xenophanes called it a dangerous contest. Plato excluded it from his ideal State not for brutality but because ground struggle did not train a soldier. The Greeks considered boxing more dangerous, which Hyde finds reasonable since gloves were not used in the pankration. Death by strangulation, however, often resulted.
Chapter 39
What does the Uffizi group show, and why is it classed as pankration rather than wrestling?
The Florentine marble group shows one youth throwing another onto his knee, legs intertwined, drawing back his arm to strike, while the under man props himself on his left arm. Gardiner showed it belongs to the pankration, since in wrestling the contest ends once a man is thrown, but here the struggle continues on the ground. Hyde calls it the most important extant monument connected with the pankration.
Chapter 39

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Who was the first of seven Olympic victors to win pankration and wrestling on the same day?
Kapros of Elis was the first of seven Olympic victors to emulate Herakles by winning both the pankration and wrestling on the same day, making him, in Hyde's phrasing, the first professional strong man. The other six victors who achieved this feat all came from the East, according to the chapter.
Chapter 40
What does Hyde conclude about the Farnese Herakles and its relation to Lysippos?
Hyde rejects identifying the Farnese Herakles with professional strong men, since the dates rule it out. He argues the original was genuinely Lysippan, as Bulle, Overbeck, von Mach, and Schnaase hold, with Glykon responsible only for his copy's exaggerations. A smaller Pitti Gallery copy inscribed as Lysippos' work supports this.
Chapter 40
What features mark the bronze head from Olympia as a boxer or pancratiast?
The life-size bronze head found at Olympia, now in Athens, shows a remnant of a wild-olive crown proving it came from an Olympic victor's statue. Its bruised realism includes swollen ears, flat nose, thick neck, swollen cheeks, projecting under lip, frowning brows, and unkempt hair and beard, giving the sullen look Hyde calls brutal and repellent.
Chapter 40
How did the programme of equestrian events at Olympia develop, and which races were added when?
By the third century B.C. the programme had six races: four-horse chariot, two-horse chariot, and horse-race, each for full-grown horses and for colts. The four-horse race dates to Ol. 25 (680 B.C.), the horse-race to Ol. 33 (648 B.C.), the synoris to Ol. 93 (408 B.C.), the four-colt chariot to Ol. 99 (384 B.C.), and the colt synoris to Ol. 129 (264 B.C.).
Chapter 40

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When and why were equestrian events discontinued at Olympia?
Equestrian events were discontinued at Olympia in the first century B.C., owing to the waning of interest in athletics in consequence of the Roman conquest of Greece in 146 B.C. They were revived thereafter under the Empire only spasmodically and were destined finally to be replaced by the amusements of the Roman circus.
Chapter 41
According to Africanus, when did the chariot-race cease and get reintroduced at Olympia?
The Armenian version of Africanus says the chariot-race ceased at Olympia in Ol. 178 (= 68 B.C.). It was reintroduced in Ol. 199 (= 17 A.D.), when Germanicus, the adopted son of Tiberius, won. It was again renewed in Ol. 222 (= 109 A.D.), though Africanus names no victor for that date.
Chapter 41
How did the Greek racing-car differ from the Homeric and Mycenaean war-chariot?
The Greek racing-car was much lighter than the Homeric and Mycenaean war-chariot, and the box had room only for the charioteer. It was drawn usually by four horses. The four-horse chariot was a modification of the heroic two-horse war-chariot, a low two-wheeled car with a high box open only at the rear, large enough for chieftain and charioteer.
Chapter 41
Who was the first woman to win an Olympic chariot victory, and what did she dedicate?
Kyniska, daughter of king Archidamas of Sparta, was the first woman to enter the contests at the race-course and the first to win an Olympic victory with her chariot. Besides a small votive offering of bronze horses in the temple of Zeus, she had a victor-group at Olympia by the sculptor Apellas, consisting of chariot, horses, charioteer, and herself.
Chapter 41

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What did Emerson argue about the Kyniska monument in his paper 'The Case of Kyniska'?
Emerson argued three points: that the chariot was a miniature, that Kyniska's statue was a portrait because of the recovered epigram's wording, and that the smallest bronze 'dancer' from the Villa of the Pisos in Herculaneum, now in Naples, is a late reproduction of Apellas's statue at Olympia. He also suggested Pliny may have had these statues in mind when mentioning Apellas's statues of women adorning themselves.
Chapter 42
How was the monument of Hiero of Syracuse at Olympia constructed and who made its parts?
Hiero, brother and successor of Gelo, won two horse-races and a four-horse chariot victory in Ols. 76-78 (476-468 B.C.). His monument was a bronze chariot with the charioteer mounted and a race-horse with jockey on either side. Onatas made the chariot (possibly the driver's statue), while Kalamis sculptured the horses and jockeys—a division of labor not uncommon at Olympia.
Chapter 42
What was the apobates race, and how do the Parthenon's north and south friezes differ in showing it?
The apobates was a ceremonial chariot-race known at Athens and Boeotia and popular at the Panathenaic games, preserving Homeric warfare: the apobates dismounted, ran alongside the chariot, and remounted, dismounting for the last lap. On the North frieze he is shown dismounting or beside the chariot (the actual course); on the South frieze he stands inside or beside it, representing preparation or the race's start.
Chapter 42
What does the Mausoleion charioteer relief look like, and how does it relate to the Boston statue?
The best-preserved slab of the small Parian marble chariot-frieze from the Mausoleion of Halikarnassos, in the British Museum, shows a long-haired charioteer in a foot-length tunic girded at the waist, leaning forward eagerly, garment folds curved to the wind, face showing intense excitement. Its pose was copied by later artists, and von Mach argued the Boston statue reproduces the same pose, making it likely a charioteer rather than a jumper.
Chapter 42

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What did the Delphi Charioteer's inscription originally say, and how was it altered?
The base bore a two-line metrical inscription whose ends survive; the first line ends with the words 'Polyzalos dedicated me.' Part of the inscription is lost, and part—including those words—was written over an erased original still partly legible, whose dedicator's name ended in -ilas. Washburn restores that name as Arkesilas, referring the original dedication to Arkesilas IV of Kyrene.
Chapter 43
How does Hyde judge the artistic quality of the Delphi Charioteer?
Hyde calls it ripe archaic art and one of the finest bronzes recovered in Greece, whose ancient fame is shown by copies made down to the end of antiquity. Yet he says its deficiencies are as apparent as its virtues: the parallel folds of the chiton show little of the form beneath, the feet are too flatly placed on the ground, and the contour of the head and face is not altogether graceful.
Chapter 43
Why did Pheidolas of Corinth dedicate a model of his horse alone?
His jockey fell off at the start, but the mare, named Aura, continued the race and reached the goal as victor. The judges allowed the owner to set up a monument to her. His sons were also horse-race victors and set up a horse on a column with an epigram; Hyde notes it is doubtful whether the horse stood atop the column or appeared in a bas-relief nearby.
Chapter 43
What was the Olympic kalpe, and how long did it last?
The kalpe was a race in which the rider leaped from his mare in the last lap and ran with her to the goal, similar to the Athenian apobates chariot-race. Hyde says it seems to have been instituted for military reasons to revive the old form of fighting, but endured only about half a century, from Ols. 71 to 84 (496 to 444 B.C.). No certain sculptural or vase illustration of it exists.
Chapter 43

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When and where were trumpeter and herald contests introduced at Olympia?
They were introduced at Olympia in Ol. 96 (396 B.C.), when Timaios of Elis won as trumpeter and Krates of Elis as herald. Pausanias mentions an altar near the stadion entrance where trumpeters and heralds stood to compete. The chapter describes such contests as mere displays of lung power, citing Herodoros, who could blow two trumpets at once.
Chapter 44
What did Timaios of Elis say about the cicada on Eunomos's monument?
Timaios says the monument to the Epizephyrian Locrian kitharoidos Eunomos, set up in his native town for his Pythian victory over Ariston of Rhegion, showed a cicada seated on the singer's lyre. The chapter notes uncertainty over whether such monuments were victor or votive in character.
Chapter 44
Why did the flute play during the jump at Olympia, according to Pausanias and Philostratos?
Pausanias says the Pythian air was played because it was sacred to Apollo, who had beaten Hermes in running and Ares in boxing at Olympia. Philostratos offers a more sensible explanation: leaping was difficult, and the flute stimulated the jumpers. At Argos, wrestlers contended to flute music at the games of Zeus Sthenios.
Chapter 44
What documentary evidence linked the Delphi Agias to Lysippos?
Preuner found nearly the same metrical inscription as on the Agias base in Stackelberg's journal, copied from a base at Pharsalos, adding that Lysippos of Sikyon made the statue. This linked the Agias to Lysippos by documentary evidence, confirmed by Lysippan traits: slender body and limbs, small head, proportions and pose.
Chapter 44

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How does Hyde contrast the surface modeling of the Agias and the Apoxyomenos?
The author argues the Agias shows simple observation of nature, with muscles not over-emphasized, typical of artists before Alexandrian anatomical study. The Apoxyomenos instead displays intentional, labored anatomical detail reflecting Hellenistic learning, a treatment Hyde says can hardly have antedated the early third century B.C., after Lysippos' activity.
Chapter 45
What three options does Hyde list for judging Lysippan art given the two statues' differences?
He says one may reject the Apoxyomenos and treat the Agias as the norm of Lysippan art; keep the Apoxyomenos and reject the Agias as evidence; or keep both as works of two different periods in Lysippos' career, explaining differences by influence or lapse of years. A recent writer rejected both, favoring the Uffizi Apoxyomenos.
Chapter 45
Why does Hyde reject the Apoxyomenos as a work of Lysippos himself?
The author argues the two statues' style and technique represent distinct art periods, too different to reconcile. Since the Agias rests on better evidence, he separates them: the Apoxyomenos' later modeling, expressionless features, three-plane body-build and other Hellenistic details fit a pupil or later school member, not Lysippos.
Chapter 45
What does Hyde argue about the Olympia head and its relation to the Agias?
Hyde argues the Pentelic marble head from Olympia is an original by Lysippos himself, based on its striking resemblance to the Agias head. Neither is a portrait; both are ideal victor types. Both have small, round crania with slight occiputs, departing from Polykleitan squareness, though earlier scholars assigned the head to Praxiteles' or Skopas' school.
Chapter 45

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What expression do the Agias and Olympia heads share, and what did Hyde attribute it to?
Both heads show a pensive, even sad look of heroic dignity, as of one taking no joy in victory, intensified by deep-set eyes, low forehead, and slightly parted lips. The author argues this humid, pensive expression was likely characteristic of Lysippos' works, as in his Alexander portraits, though less intense than in Skopas.
Chapter 46
Why does Hyde reject identifying the Olympia marble head as a youthful Herakles?
Swollen ears and a hair band fit either a victor or Herakles, and gymnasium find-spots prove nothing since athlete and god statues both stood there. The author argues the head differs fundamentally in spiritual conception from the recognized Lysippan Herakles in Lansdowne House, and its fierce eyes and pained mouth suit a boxer or pancratiast.
Chapter 46
Which Lysippan victor statues does Hyde consider for the Olympia head, and why eliminate Polydamas?
Pausanias names five Lysippan victors: Troilos, Philandridas, Polydamas, Cheilon, and Kallikrates. Only the two pancratiasts fit. Hyde eliminates Polydamas because his monument was huge and stood in a part of the Altis too far from where the marble head was found, leaving Philandridas of Akarnania.
Chapter 46
What date does Hyde propose for Philandridas' victory, and on what grounds?
Hyde proposes Ol. 102 or 103 (372 or 368 B.C.), based on his principle that near-contemporary victors were grouped together in the Altis. Neighboring statues date no later than Ol. 104 (364 B.C.), and dating Lysippos earlier than Ol. 102 is inexpedient, so the statue likely joined the Spartan group alongside Troilos' image.
Chapter 46

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What did Percy Gardner argue about the date of Lysippos's activity?
Gardner argued that the evidence for dating Lysippos later than 320 B.C. is slight. He showed that the wish to keep Lysippos as the sculptor of the Apoxyomenos was the real reason archaeologists extended his activity to the end of the fourth century and explained away the earlier evidence of the statue of Troilos, who won his second victory in 368 B.C.
Chapter 47
How does Hyde characterize Lysippos's relationship to Skopas and Praxiteles?
The author argues that if the Apoxyomenos is given up, the theory that Skopas strongly influenced the youthful Lysippos as a master influences a pupil disappears. Instead the influence must have been mutual, that of one great contemporary upon another. Lysippos could have been little if any younger than Skopas or Praxiteles, from both of whom he learned.
Chapter 47
What is the difference between a contemporary "double" and a later copy?
Hyde argues contemporary doubles were Greek originals in a very true sense, made under the direct supervision of noted sculptors, as he assumes the Agias was. He cites the Delian Apollo by Angelion and Tektaios and the Philesian Apollo of Kanachos as examples. Later copies, by contrast, were not made under the master's supervision.
Chapter 47
Why does Hyde doubt that Lysippos worked exclusively in bronze?
Hyde concedes Lysippos was preeminently a bronze-worker and that Pliny classed him among bronze-founders. But he argues that saying Lysippos never essayed marble, as many other bronze-famed Greek artists did, is a childish prejudice. He cites the Polydamas base reliefs, generally referred to Lysippos's pupils, as evidence marble work was done in his studio.
Chapter 47

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On what does Hyde say all constructive criticism of Skopas's art must be based?
Hyde states it is now universally acknowledged that all constructive criticism of Skopas's art must be based on study of the heads found at Tegea, including those discovered in 1879 and now in the National Museum in Athens, and the male heads found by M. Mendel in 1900-1901 excavations of the temple of Athena Alea.
Chapter 48
Why does Mendel attribute the lion-scalp head from Tegea to Skopas's school rather than Skopas?
Mendel considers the lion-scalp head inferior in workmanship to the others, so he refers it to the school of Skopas rather than the master himself, calling it 'un travail d'atelier.' Yet he notes that all the characteristics of the heads in the central museum are found in this Herakles head.
Chapter 48
What does Hyde identify as the real distinguishing feature of Skopas's work?
Hyde argues the modeling of the flesh about the eye is the real distinguishing feature of Skopas's work. He notes that in one Tegea head the gaze is not turned upward and the neck muscles are not strained, yet the expression is even more violent, showing Skopas relied mainly on treatment of the eye.
Chapter 48
How does the Sparta head differ in expression from the Tegea Herakles?
Hyde says the Tegea Herakles shows violent, unrestrained passion, while the Sparta head shows only a little intensity: an attitude of expectancy tempered by near calmness, deeply earnest and even melancholy, with soft modeling of the lower face recalling Praxiteles. Hyde concludes it lacks the essential Skopaic feature of passionate intensity.
Chapter 48

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How does the eye treatment of the Agias differ from the Tegea heads?
In the Agias the head is slighter and below life-size per the Lysippan canon, so the outer eye corners are less heavily overshadowed. E. A. Gardner describes the inner corners as set deep and close together, forming acute angles, in contrast to the broad brow curve of the Skopaic heads. The expression is still intense but tempered.
Chapter 49
What does the author conclude about the Meleager's attribution?
The author notes the original was first thought Lysippan, identified with the Venator at Thespiai by Euthykrates, then almost universally referred to Skopas after the Tegea heads. Graef lists eighteen copies besides the Vatican one. The author argues such works should be assigned to Lysippos rather than Skopas, though opinion now varies again.
Chapter 49
What expression do the Sparta head and the Philandridas share, and how does it differ from Tegea?
Both show a pensive, melancholy dignity, with slightly parted lips and a gaze fixed on a nearer object, echoing Homolle's description of the Agias. This differs sharply from the violent, panting expression of the Tegea sculptures, which Kallistratos associated with the madness (mania) in Skopas's works.
Chapter 49

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What mixed influences does Hyde identify in the Sparta head?
The author argues the Sparta head is an eclectic work combining chiefly Lysippan and Praxitelean elements, with some Skopas influence visible in the treatment of eyes and hair. He believes the artist's chief debt even in the eye modeling was to Lysippos, and that the fine surface modeling recalls the delicacy Pliny attributes to Lysippan art, pointing to a date near the end of that century.
Chapter 50
Why does Hyde doubt the Sparta head depicts Herakles?
The author argues the head lacks the strength typical of later Herakles representations and that Pausanias mentions only three Herakles statues in Sparta, none matching. He instead considers it an idealized portrait of an athlete, probably a boy victor in boxing or wrestling, assimilated in form to the hero—an example of athletic art's idealizing tendency.
Chapter 50
What evidence supports bronze as the usual material for victor statues?
Scherer and others argued that Pausanias's statuaries appear in Pliny's catalogue of bronze founders, that excavated bases show footprints of bronze statues, and that bronze fragments—including an inscribed piece, a boxer's head, a foot, an arm, and a leg—were found. Pausanias's silence on materials, except two wooden statues, was read as implying bronze.
Chapter 50
How does Hyde rebut the claim that victor statues were exclusively bronze?
The author argues Pausanias selected only famous athletes, so his 192 monuments are a fraction of the whole, and many unnamed artists may have worked in marble; six sculptors appear in both Pliny's bronze and marble lists. Only a fraction of bases were recovered—not one-fifth of Pausanias's victors—so bronze footprints prove little about the rest.
Chapter 50

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What evidence does Hyde cite against the claim that victor statues at Olympia were exclusively bronze?
Hyde cites excavated marble fragments from Olympia, including two life-size archaic helmeted heads ascribed to hoplite victors and fragments of boy-victor statues at two-fifths to two-thirds life-size, plus four more boy-statue fragments adduced by Treu. He also notes marble victor statues outside Olympia, such as Arrhachion at Phigalia and Agias by Lysippos at Delphi, concluding the exclusively-bronze contention is untenable.
Chapter 51
Why does Pausanias rarely mention the material of victor statues?
Hyde argues Pausanias' reticence accords with his custom: he very rarely mentions monument materials, apparently only where bronze and stone monuments stand close together in a circumscribed area, as when enumerating monuments in the Heraion at Olympia. Hyde says the only inference from Pausanias' mention of Promachos is that this particular victor statue was bronze, and no further conclusion is justified.
Chapter 51
How does Lechat counter Reinach's argument that painted stone statues were meant for covered porticoes?
Reinach argued stone statues, because of their patina of color, were intended for porticoes or temple cellas, while bronze stood outdoors. Lechat counters that paint used in Greek architecture and temple sculpture proves the contrary: paint was burnt in, reasonably durable, and readily renewed if it failed. Hyde adds Olympia examples: Paionios' marble Nike stood in the open east of the temple of Zeus, while a bronze Aphrodite stood within the Heraion.
Chapter 51
What does Pausanias say about the appearance of Arrhachion's statue at Phigalia?
Pausanias describes the pancratiast Arrhachion's stone statue in the market-place of Phigalia as archaic, especially in pose: feet close together and arms hanging by the sides to the hips. He adds that he was told it once bore an inscription that had become illegible in his day. Arrhachion won three Olympian pankration victories in Ols. 52-54 (572-564 B.C.), making the statue one of the oldest recorded victor monuments.
Chapter 51

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What does the Arrhachion statue prove about some 'Apollo' statues?
The author argues that the statue of Arrhachion, which matches Pausanias' description and bears an illegible inscription, proves that some statues classed as "Apollos" are really victor monuments. It is the oldest surviving dated Olympic victor statue; only three older ones are recorded, and none has survived.
Chapter 52
Why were archaic statues first called 'Apollos'?
They were so named chiefly because of their long hair and nudity, supported by small bronzes in the same schema dedicated to the god, cult statues of similar pose in vase- and wall-paintings, ancient texts describing Apollo in this pose, and finds in or near sanctuaries of the god.
Chapter 52
What evidence shows some 'Apollo' statues were funerary?
Several were found near tombs: the Apollo of Tenea decorated a tomb in the necropolis of Tenea near Corinth; the Thera example stood in a rock-cut niche; another was found in a tomb dromos on Cyprus; a fourth came from the necropolis of Megara Hyblaia; and one from Volomandra in Attika came from an old cemetery.
Chapter 52

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Why does Hyde reject the idea that Pausanias describes a continuous row of victor statues?
The author argues that Pausanias sometimes returns to the same spot without saying so and often leaves long spaces unnoticed. The statues were strewn about the Altis in groups with only a general direction, marked by words like παρά, ἐφεξῆς and μετά. Inscribed base-fragments matching Pausanias' order still confirm that his routes were topographical.
Chapter 53
How does Hyde interpret ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς Ἥρας, and what evidence supports this?
Hyde concludes the words refer to the Heraion pro persona, i.e. its southern side, not the space before its eastern front. He rejects Doerpfeld's view because Pausanias was near the Altis center and mentions the Mende trophy near the South wall. Base fragments of Troilos, Kyniska and Sophios found near the Prytaneion and Kladeos support a southern-front location.
Chapter 53
What fixed points anchor the zones of the Eretrian Bull and the Victory?
Fragments of pedestals for Narykidas, Hellanikos, Kallias, Eukles, Euthymos and Charmides were found around the Eretrian Bull's foundation, still in situ 32 meters east of the temple's northeast corner. The Victory of Paionios foundation stands 37 meters east of the southeast corner; bases of Sosikrates, Kritodamos and Xenokles were found nearby.
Chapter 53
How does Hyde correct the placement of statues 123-138 and describe Pausanias' route there?
Hyde places the twenty-one statues from Aristophon to Prokles east of Telemachos' base near the South Altis wall, not west as other investigators held, since the bases of Aristophon and of Xenombrotos and Xenodikos were found eastward near the Echo Colonnade. Pausanias goes east to Prokles, returns past the chariots unremarked, then continues west to Philonides.
Chapter 53

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Where did Pausanias's second ephodos route probably run, according to Hyde?
Hyde argues the second route wound around the western and northern sides of the temple of Zeus over the temple terrace, rather than retracing the Processional Way. He reasons that Pausanias would have mentioned returning, that no building is named on the way, and that the Great Altar and the two last statues near the pillar of Oinomaos were always inside the Altis.
Chapter 54
What did Doerpfeld conclude about the row of bases inside the West Altis wall?
Doerpfeld showed the bases formed a cul de sac with the West Altis wall, so no statues would have been placed leading to a dead wall. Hyde concludes they predate the wall and once bounded a broad street along the Leonidaion's east side, later narrowed to a lane when the wall cut off half its breadth, though the older name 'street' survived.
Chapter 54
Which statue base from the second ephodos was recovered, and where?
Of the nineteen victor statues in the second route no bases were found, but of the three honor statues the base of the rhetorician Gorgias of Leontini (184a) was recovered 10 meters northeast of the temple of Zeus, probably not far from its original position. Hyde places the 'unimportant mixed statues' north of the temple near its eastern end.
Chapter 54
Where did the oldest victor statues in the Altis stand, per Hyde's summary?
Hyde concludes the twenty-eight oldest statues, dating from Ol. 58 (548 B.C., Pythokritos) to Ol. 76 (476 B.C., Theognetos), stood between the temple's eastern front and the Echo Colonnade, or south of it near the South Altis wall. Only Protolaos stood as far north as the Eretrian Bull, making the southeast the oldest area for victor statues.
Chapter 54

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Why does Pausanias omit many victor statues from his account?
Pausanias states he enumerates only victors "who had some title to fame or whose statues were better made." He mentions 187 victors with 192 monuments in his two tours. The reasons for his selection, and the fact that he names no athlete certainly later than the mid-second century B.C., have been much discussed. The author notes many later statues are known from inscriptions alone.
Chapter 55
Did all Olympic victors actually receive statues, as Pliny implies?
No. Pliny's words that it was the custom for statues of all victors to be dedicated at Olympia refer only to the privilege, not the actual fact. Many victors had no statues, since they, their relatives, or their city-states had to meet the cost of erection. The author also notes Pliny's claim that triple victors could erect portrait statues has at least one exception.
Chapter 55
Where did most recovered third-century B.C. victor statue bases stand?
All four bases referred to the third century B.C. belong to Elean victors. Three were found west and northwest of the Prytaneion and beyond, showing the statues once stood near that building; the fourth was found farther south by the Palaistra, where it probably stood. Pausanias omits these because he enumerates only statues on the right of his route around the temple.
Chapter 55
What does the family group of Philistos reveal about Pausanias?
One large Pentelic marble bathron supported monuments of seven victors of the family of Philistos, found just south of the Philippeion. Bases of two other sons and a grandson were also recovered, forming a family group of ten, outnumbering that of Diagoras. The author notes Pausanias' omission of so important a monument has been used as evidence he employed earlier lists.
Chapter 55

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Where were most post-Christian victor statue bases found at Olympia?
Eleven of the nineteen inscribed base-fragments were found near the temple of Zeus, especially its eastern front: three east of the temple (one in situ), two near the southeastern corner, three at the northeastern corner, one opposite the fifth column from the east on the north side, and two southwest of the temple. The author suggests Pausanias likely passed most of these statues, perhaps evidence he relied on older lists.
Chapter 56
How does Hyde estimate the total number of victor statues in the Altis?
From inscribed base-fragments, 61 victors (63 monuments) are known who had statues but are not named by Pausanias. Of Pausanias' 192 monuments, 40 are known from recovered fragments. Assuming the same ratio, Hyde sets the proportion 40:192::63:x, giving x = 302, for a grand total of 494 monuments, which he says cannot be far from the actual number.
Chapter 56
What monuments outside Olympia honored the boxer Theagenes of Thasos?
Besides his Olympia statue by Glaukias of Aegina, Pausanias records many images of Theagenes elsewhere and one at Thasos to which the Thasians sacrificed as to a god. Pausanias tells of this Thasian statue being scourged and falling on Theagenes' enemy, a story Dio Chrysostom recounts at greater length and Eusebios mentions; Lucian says the statue cured fevers. Studniczka argued these statues honored the hero, not the victor.
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What does Pausanias record about the statues of Sarapion of Alexandria?
Pausanias mentions two statues of Sarapion standing on either side of the entrance to the Gymnasion in Elis called the Maltho. He adds that the Eleans erected them in gratitude for his bestowal of corn during a famine. The chapter warns that he is not to be confused with other victors of the same name.
Chapter 57
Why may Xenodamos's statue have stood in Antikyra rather than Olympia?
Frazer argues Ol. 211 was validly celebrated by the Eleans but was likely struck from the register after Nero's death, since the games had been deferred to favor him. The Eleans, ashamed of favoring the tyrant, probably removed it, and victors of that Olympiad may not have had statues set up in the Altis, explaining Pausanias's placement.
Chapter 57
What does the chapter say about the two statues of Agias of Pharsalos?
One marble statue of Agias stood at Delphi in the group set up by Daochos, discovered by French excavators in 1894; the same metrical inscription was found by Preuner in Stackelberg's journal, copied from a base at Pharsalos that has since disappeared, adding that Lysippos of Sikyon was the sculptor. Preuner also thinks a third statue may have stood at Olympia.
Chapter 57
What does Pausanias record about Kyniska of Sparta?
Pausanias records a monumental group at Olympia by Apellas of Megara consisting of Kyniska and her charioteer beside a huge bronze chariot and horses, and a small bronze chariot by the same sculptor in the vestibule of the temple of Zeus. He also records a shrine to the heroine Kyniska at Plane-tree Grove in Sparta, which the chapter says was not properly a victor monument.
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What did Pausanias record about the pancratiast Hermolykos on the Akropolis?
Pausanias mentions a statue of the pancratiast Hermolykos standing on the Akropolis at Athens (I, 23.10). Hyde connects this probably with the Hermolykos whom Herodotos records as distinguishing himself at the battle of Mykale in 479 B.C. and later being killed in battle at Kyrnos in Euboia and buried at Geraistos.
Chapter 58
How did scholars disagree about the Akropolis base found in 1839?
Some scholars argued Pausanias's Hermolykos statue was actually the Kresilas work on the base found in 1839, dedicated by Hermolykos son of Diitrephes, and that Pausanias confused the two. Frazer called this explanation arbitrary and highly improbable, believing the base supported the statue of Diitrephes pierced with arrows. Kirchhoff, Six, and Furtwaengler proposed further differing identifications.
Chapter 58
What does the pseudo-Plutarch say about Isokrates' statue, and when was his victory?
The pseudo-Plutarch mentions a bronze statue of Isokrates, son of Theodoros, of Athens, in the form of a pais keletizon (a boy riding a horse), on the Athenian Akropolis. Since the orator was born in 436 B.C., Hyde reasons that his youthful victory among the horse-racers must have occurred about 420 B.C.
Chapter 58
What did Hyde's summary conclude about the number and types of victor monuments outside Olympia?
Hyde concludes that literary sources show at least 44 Olympic victors with a total of 47 monuments erected outside Olympia: 1 inscribed tablet, 1 Pindaric ode on a temple wall, 3 temples or shrines, 37 statues (one apparently iconic), bronze horses, and 4 undescribed dedications. Most were statues, and the greatest number of dedications came in the fifth century B.C.
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What evidence does the chapter cite for Minoan bull-vaulting scenes?
The chapter cites gymnasts vaulting over a bull's back on a seal of a bracelet found at Knossos in 1902, on the intaglio of a ring in Athens, and on seal impressions from Mycenae and Candia. The acrobat on one zone wears striped boots and bracelets like figures in the Knossos fresco; the man binding the bull on the Vapheio cup wears similar apparel.
Chapter 59
How does Gardiner explain the Odyssey's omission of a chariot-race?
Gardiner argues there is no chariot-race in the Odyssey simply because Ithaca was not a land that pastured horses and had no wide courses or meadowland. Thessaly and Argos, homes of Achilles and Agamemnon, were famed for horses, and the Trojan plain was large enough for the race. The Iliad's only other chariot-races are held in Elis.
Chapter 59
What two competing theories of the Olympic games' origin does the chapter describe?
The older theory derives the festival from funeral games for Pelops. The chapter notes this was attacked because it explains neither all the legends nor all the festival's peculiar customs, and the literary evidence is inadequate. Cook and Frazer instead proposed origin in a ritual contest of succession to the throne, with victor honors proving kingly or divine character; Gardiner argued this newer theory is inadequate.
Chapter 59
What does the chapter say about the Etruscan origin of Roman funeral games and gladiatorial shows?
The chapter cites Valerius Maximus, Tertullian, and Servius for the Etruscan origin of the ludi funebres, and Tertullian, Athenaeus quoting Nikolaos of Damascus, and Strabo for the Etruscan origin of the munera gladiatorum. These gladiatorial shows were first introduced at Rome in 264 B.C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus, according to Livy's epitome.
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What does Hyde conclude about the date and nature of the chest of Kypselos at Olympia?
Hyde rejects Pausanias' story that the chest was the one made to save the infant Kypselos and dedicated by the Kypselid family, which would place it in the eighth century B.C. He argues the chest had nothing to do with the legendary one; it was merely a richly decorated offering to the gods, the work of a Corinthian artist of the late seventh or early sixth century B.C. who knew the epic poems well.
Chapter 60
What discovery in 1872 proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest, and where was it found?
The discovery of a vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872 proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest. The vase, cited as Vasen 1655, is reproduced in several works and depicts scenes including the departure of Amphiaraos and a chariot-race. Its discovery at Caere established the Corinthian origin of the chest's decoration.
Chapter 60
Who compiled the Olympic victor register, and how was it later revised and preserved?
The register was originally compiled near the end of the fifth century B.C. by Hippias of Elis, and was revised by various later writers from Aristotle and Philochoros to Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus. From it a complete list of stade-runners was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had brought it down to 217 A.D.
Chapter 60
What does Gardiner argue about the arrival of Zeus and Hera worship at Olympia?
Gardiner argues that the worship of Zeus came directly from Dodona to Olympia before it had reached Crete, and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia in the eighth century B.C. He believes Hera's worship reached Olympia from Argos later than Zeus's, toward the end of the eighth century B.C., when he supposes the Heraion was built as a joint temple to both deities.
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What two plants do scholars debate as the identity of the Isthmian victory crown?
Curtius believed the Isthmian pine was not a fir but the Pinus maritima, while Philippson argued it was the Pinus halepensis Mill. The chapter cites these competing identifications in connection with the Isthmian games, showing that even the victor's crown material is disputed among scholars rather than settled.
Chapter 61
According to the chapter, when was the boys' pentathlon introduced at Nemea?
The chapter states the boys' pentathlon was introduced in the fifty-third Nemead, equivalent to 467 B.C., and notes the pankration for boys came earlier. It also mentions Pindar's odes honoring boy victors, including the pancratiast Pytheas of Aegina and the pentathlete Sogenes, who won in the fifty-fourth Nemead.
Chapter 61
What does the chapter say about dedications made by musicians who won at Greek games?
The chapter records that the flutist Straton dedicated his flute at Thespiai in the third century B.C., and that a harpist dedicated his harp at Athens. It also mentions a Samian flutist, Satyros, who won a prize without contest and performed a choral ode and an air from Euripides' Bacchae.
Chapter 61
What does Pausanias report about the Eleans allowing unusual victor dedications?
The chapter cites Pausanias noting that the Eleans permitted Pheidolas to dedicate a statue of his mare, and that they allowed the wrestler Kratinos to set up a statue of his trainer. These examples show the Eleans, sometimes called Hellanodikai, exercising discretion over what victors could dedicate.
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What does Rouse argue the phrase about women dedicating painted images means?
Rouse argues that the words in Pausanias V, 16.3 do not mean "statues of themselves with their names engraved on them," as Frazer translates, but rather painted reliefs. The passage concerns women dedicating images after chariot victories, and Rouse's correction clarifies the form of the dedication.
Chapter 62
What age range does the chapter suggest for boy victors at Olympia, and what exceptions appear?
The chapter states the age of boy victors at Olympia seems to have been 17-20, citing an inscription referring to the Augustalia at Naples modeled on Olympia. It notes Pausanias' claim that Damiskos of Messene won the stade-race at twelve, which the author suspects, and that Nikasylos of Rhodes was disqualified at eighteen from boys' wrestling because of age.
Chapter 62
How did the Hellanodikai apparently judge eligibility for boys' contests?
The chapter argues that inconsistencies in Pausanias' account show the Hellanodikai exercised some discretion in their judgment, taking into consideration not merely age, but size and strength. This explains cases like Nikasylos being barred from boys' wrestling at eighteen while other young victors competed.
Chapter 62
What does the chapter say about the age and reliability of evidence for canonized victor statues?
The chapter notes that Gardiner recently called attention to the fact that the evidence for the canonization of the five victors mentioned is mostly late, and he therefore doubts if it had anything to do with their victories at Olympia. This qualifies claims that statues of figures like Theagenes could heal sickness.
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What does Pausanias record about the monument of the runner Chionis at Olympia?
Pausanias says Chionis, a famous Spartan runner who won in Olympiads 28–31 (668–656 B.C.), had a tablet listing his victories set up beside his statue at Olympia. His statue was erected long after his death, in Olympiad 77 or 78, and so probably the stele also.
Chapter 63
How does Pausanias describe the chariot monument of Kyniska?
Pausanias mentions the "chariot, horses, charioteer and Kyniska herself" (VI, 1.6). Elsewhere he describes the chariot and statue of Gelo, and for Kleosthenes by Hagelaïdas he says the victor dedicated statues of himself and the charioteer along with the chariot and horses, even naming the horses.
Chapter 63
Which Macedonian and Hellenistic rulers had statues grouped together at Olympia, according to Pausanias?
Pausanias says Philip II son of Amyntas, Alexander the Great, Seleukos Nikator son of Antiochos, and Antigonos son of Philip, surnamed Monophthalmos, had statues together (VI, 11.1). Antigonos had further statues elsewhere in the Altis, and Antigonos Doson and Philip III had statues together.
Chapter 63
What does Pausanias's reference to Corinth's restoration reveal about when he wrote Book V?
At the start of his description of Elis (V, 1.2), Pausanias says 217 years had passed since Corinth's restoration. Since that event fell in 44 B.C., he was writing Book V in 174 A.D., in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. Other chronological references agree, and Book V is deduced to precede Book VI.
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What did Pausanias say about the size of Olympic victor statues?
Pausanias reports hearing that victors at Olympia were not allowed to set up statues larger than life-size (μείζους τῶν σωμάτων). The passage is cited as evidence that victor monuments were regulated in scale, though the exact enforcement and scope of the rule are not detailed in the chapter.
Chapter 64
How tall was Diagoras' statue according to cubit measurements?
Using Pollux's figure that a cubit (πῆχυς) contains 24 δάκτυλοι or 6 παλασταί, the cubit was about 18.25 inches and the finger about 0.7 inch. The Solonian cubit of 444 mm gives 17.53 inches and a finger of .73 inch, making Diagoras' statue 6 feet 1.75 inches tall. Scherer had given 6 feet 5 inches.
Chapter 64
Who does the chapter say first wore a loin-cloth in athletic contests?
The boxer Euryalos 'first put a cincture (ζῶμα) about him' in his bout with Epeios, according to Iliad XXIII, 683. The chapter also cites Thucydides and Pausanias on the later dropping of the loin-cloth, and notes Boeckh's conclusion that in Ol. 15 only runners laid it aside while other athletes did so just before Thucydides' day.
Chapter 64
What evidence is cited for women's athletic contests and victresses at Olympia?
Pausanias mentions Kyniska and other Spartan victresses, Euryleonis who won a two-horse chariot-race around Ol. 103, Belistiche who first won the συνωρίς πώλων in Ol. 129, and Theodota who won the ἅρμα πωλικόν in the first century B.C. Pausanias also says the restriction on women did not include maidens, though the chapter notes it is probable girls were not admitted.
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According to Pliny, what rule governed iconic statues of Olympic victors?
Pliny (Natural History XXXIV, 16) says it was customary at Olympia to dedicate statues of all victors, but only those who had won three times there received 'iconic' statues, modeled from their actual limbs—that is, true likenesses. Scholars like Klein doubt the statement's authenticity, and the author notes the ancients applied little historical criticism to art.
Chapter 65
What did Plato ordain for girls' running races in the Laws?
Plato (Laws VIII, 833 D–E) ordained three running races for girls—the stadion, diaulos, and dolichos. The youngest girls were to run nude, while those from thirteen to eighteen were to run suitably dressed. The chapter cites this alongside the Dionysiades and the running race at Kyrene as evidence for girls' athletic contests.
Chapter 65
What is the krobylos, and how was it shown to be a hairstyle rather than a part of the hair?
The krobylos (etymologically the same word as korymbos) was a way of wearing the hair, not a part of the hair itself. Hauser proved this in the Jahreshefte des oesterreichischen archaologischen Instituts (1906, Beiblatt). It was formerly assumed that korymbos referred to a similar coiffure of young girls.
Chapter 65
How does the chapter explain the discrepancy between ideal and portrait statues in Greek art?
The author argues Pliny, or his source, explained the difference as the result of an improbable rule, since the ancients applied little historical criticism to art and did not distinguish works representing types from those representing individuals. Dio Chrysostom instead tried to explain the difference between early and late statues by physical degeneration in later people.
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What does Bulle say about identifying Roman copies of Olympic victor statues?
Bulle remarks that up to the present no single Roman copy can be proved to be that of an Olympic victor statue. The author stresses that this fact must be constantly borne in mind, warning against confident identifications of surviving Roman copies with lost Greek victor monuments.
Chapter 66
How does Hyde characterize the Munich head, and what did Furtwängler call it?
The Munich head (Glyptothek no. 457) is discussed with attributions ranging from Polykleitan to Attic-Argive without Polykleitan influence. Furtwängler-Urlichs calls it the noblest and most perfect work the Glyptothek possesses, its most precious treasure, and an ideal of purity, innocence, and nobly charming greatness.
Chapter 66
What did Xenophon say about choosing garland-bearers for Athena?
Xenophon, Symposium IV, 17, states that beautiful old men are chosen as garland-bearers for Athena. Hyde cites this alongside Aristophanes, Wasps, 544, and Athenaeus XIII, 20, with its scholia, as evidence for Greek customs honoring physical beauty.
Chapter 66
What did Plato and Aristotle regard as qualities of beauty, per Hyde's note?
Hyde notes that Plato, Philebus 64 E, regarded moderation (metriotēs) and symmetry (symmetria) as qualities of beauty and virtue, and compares Aristotle, Metaphysics X, 3.7, and Nicomachean Ethics V, 5.14, 1133b. Vitruvius likewise makes symmetry in architecture a quality of eurythmia.
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What does Pliny's disputed phrase 'numerosior in arte quam Polyclitus' say about Myron?
Pliny calls Myron numerosior in arte than Polyclitus and, in the manuscript reading, more diligent in symmetria. Hyde notes the passage is disputed: if the et is omitted with Sillig, it means the opposite, matching the usual ancient view that symmetry was the salient characteristic of Polykleitan art, contrasting Polykleitos' symmetry with Myron's variety.
Chapter 67
What did Polykleitos reportedly say about beauty, and how does it relate to the Doryphoros?
Philon reports Polykleitos saying beauty was produced from a small unit through a long chain of numbers, a description Hyde says rightly characterizes the Doryphoros. Pliny's words treat the Canon and Doryphoros as distinct works, but Hyde notes it is probable the same statue hides under two names, each commentary from a different source.
Chapter 67
What does Mortet's study say about ancient canons of proportion?
Mortet shows the chief ratio was that of the head to the body's height. Eight heads to the body was adopted by da Vinci and J. Cousin; seven to eight is found in the figures of the Parthenon frieze; and a little under seven appears in the Diadoumenos of Polykleitos. Hyde cites this in discussing ancient canons of proportion.
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What scholarly debate does the chapter record about the word 'Encrinomenos' in Pliny?
Turnebus explained it as ἔγκρισις ἀθλητῶν, an athletic sense used by Lucian and akin to Cicero's probatio. Most modern commentators instead refer it to the statue, translating 'classical' or 'chosen.' The author argues the term was too well known athletically to be applied to a statue, and that the present participle shows Alkamenes' statue depicted an athlete undergoing selection.
Chapter 68
How was the Antikythera Ephebe restored, and what objections are recorded?
The French sculptor André restored it, covering joints and rivets with putty and coloring it to resemble bronze. The author says the method is open to objection but not to the extent von Mach claims; von Mach asserts no Greek statue received such unworthy treatment and that the restoration permits dating to almost any age. The author concedes much beauty is gone but says the style is not obscured, though it was restored too full.
Chapter 68
What did the author conclude about the pose of the Capitoline statue and its 'aufgestuetztes Bein' motive?
The author states that the motive of the 'aufgestuetztes Bein' (the propped leg) is more likely Lysippan than Skopaic, contrary to Furtwaengler's assumption. Helbig's claimed replica in Paris is said to confuse the statue with the so-called Sandal-binder type of the Louvre. The Capitoline statue is 1.845 meters in height according to Stuart Jones.
Chapter 68
Which victors or rulers does the chapter say have been suggested for the portrait identifications?
The chapter records that Philip V, Perseus, Alexander Balas (who usurped the Seleucid throne in 149 B.C.), Demetrios I Soter of Syria (who reigned 162-150 B.C.), and Antiochos II Theos (who reigned 261-246 B.C.) have all been suggested as identifications. It cites Imhoof-Blumer's 1885 work on portrait heads on ancient coins of Hellenic and Hellenized peoples.
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What does Pliny say Euphranor's statue of Paris displayed?
Pliny (H. N., XXXIV, 77) says the statue of Euphranor displayed every phase of Paris' character in a triple aspect: as judge of the goddesses, as lover of Helen, and as slayer of Achilles. The chapter notes how little is known of this statue and cites the very different conclusions reached by Furtwaengler and Robert.
Chapter 69
What did Mahler wrongly think about the Boston bronze?
Mahler, in Polyklet und seine Schule, wrongly thought that the bronze in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, was a replica of the Doryphoros. The chapter cites the museum's Annual Report of 1898 as the reference for this piece, correcting Mahler's attribution.
Chapter 69
How did Furtwaengler explain the statue's relation to Pheidias' Lemnia?
Furtwaengler thought the statue's relation to the Lemnian Athena was not close enough to assign it to Pheidias. Using a Phokaian coin showing a similar Hermes, he ascribed the statue to an Ionian artist and conjectured Telephanes, whom Pliny mentions (H. N., XXXIV, 68). Bulle, by contrast, found the head similar to the Lemnia's.
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What does Hyde's chapter note about distinguishing statues of victors from those of Herakles?
The chapter cites Arndt on the difficulty of distinguishing statues of victors from those of Herakles (n. 786, referencing La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, Text, p. 138, to Pl. 94). It also notes that filleted heads such as nos. 1733 and 1740 of B. M. Sculpt. are probably from statues of Herakles rather than victors.
Chapter 70
How does the chapter describe the Naples bronze head of a youth with a rolled fillet?
The chapter says the bronze head of a youth in Naples, wearing a rolled fillet, may come from the statue of a victor or of the hero (n. 791, Invent. 5594; B. B., 365). It is listed alongside the Ercolano bronzes published in Antichita di Ercolano and Comparetti and de Petra's Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni.
Chapter 70
What does the chapter say about victors disqualified from the Olympic games?
The chapter notes two men entered later but were disqualified: Sokrates, who won in wrestling (?) in Ol. 232 (= 149 A.D.), and Aurelios Ailix (or Helix) of Phoenicia, who won the pankration in Ol. 250 (= 221 A.D.). It adds that Ailix won both events on the same day at the Capitoline games in Rome, which no one had done before.
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How does Hyde say victor monuments are usually divided, and what does Reisch's division amount to?
Hyde reports the usual division of victor monuments as resting on the authorities Scherer, Hitzig-Blümner, and Furtwängler-Urlichs. He notes that Reisch instead divides Siegerbilder into motifs of general validity and motifs drawn from the specific occasion of the dedication, a division Hyde says practically amounts to that of rest and motion statues.
Chapter 71
What does Hyde say about the date of the statues of Oibotas and Chionis, and the 'Apollo' type?
Hyde notes Oibotas of Dyme, stade-race victor in Ol. 6 (756 B.C.), had his statue set up in Ol. 80 (460 B.C.), and Chionis of Sparta, winner of seven running races in Ols. 28-31, had his made by Myron in the fifth century. Hyde concludes these two therefore did not necessarily conform with the 'Apollo' type.
Chapter 71
What disagreement does Hyde record about Philostratos' description of Milo's statue?
Hyde notes Frazer believes the description may be imaginary, concocted from stories of Milo's feats of strength, while Hitzig-Blümner cite Guttman, Matz, and Gurlitt as believing it was based on the statue's appearance. Scherer thought Philostratos followed Pausanias in interpreting the statue's attributes.
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What did Pliny record about Hagelaïdas as teacher of Myron and Polykleitos?
Pliny (H. N. XXXIV, 57 and 55) records that Hagelaïdas was the teacher of Myron and of Polykleitos. Furtwaengler doubts the connection is literally true, even apart from chronology, and derives the story from the similarity of the two artists' work. He also finds the Polykleitos tradition chronologically impossible, though he admits it is true in a general sense since Polykleitos developed his canon from Hagelaïdas.
Chapter 72
How did Furtwaengler explain the chronology problem of Hagelaïdas teaching Polykleitos?
Furtwaengler (Mp. p. 196; Mw. p. 380) believed the direct relationship impossible because of chronological difficulties and assumed an intermediate sculptor as Polykleitos' teacher. He, followed by Mahler and Klein, named Argeiadas, mentioned in I. G. B. no. 30, as this intermediate artist. Furtwaengler still admitted the statement was true in a general sense, since Polykleitos developed his canon from that of Hagelaïdas. Pfuhl later showed the relationship is perfectly possible.
Chapter 72
What did Wilamowitz establish about the source of Pliny's date for Hagelaïdas?
Wilamowitz showed that the date comes from Apollonios, son of Chairis, who lived circa 100 B.C., and that it probably goes back to the Chronica of Apollodoros of Athens, who lived in the middle of the second century B.C. (Aus Kydathen, pp. 154 f.). Kalkmann believes the floruit date Pliny gives (XXXIV, 49), Ol. 87 (= 423-429 B.C.), comes from the same Apollodoros.
Chapter 72
What did Furtwaengler identify as a Roman copy of a victor statue linked to Hagelaïdas?
Furtwaengler (50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., pp. 146-7) pronounced the life-size marble torso of a nude man found in a wall over the ruins of the Palaistra at Olympia (Treu, A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, p. 45) a Roman school copy of an original bronze victor statue going back to Hagelaïdas, because of its resemblance in pose to the Ligourió statuette.
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What did Pliny and Pausanias each say about the sculptor Kanachos's homeland?
Pliny (H. N., XXXIV, 55) calls Kanachos a Sikyonian, while others such as Pausanias (VI, 6.2) call him an Argive. The chapter notes he belonged to a family of sculptors, some of whom worked in Sikyon and others in Argos.
Chapter 73
Who stole the Apollo Philesios from Miletos, and who later restored it?
Darius stole the Apollo Philesios at the destruction of Miletos in 493 B.C. (Hdt., VI, 19). Later writers wrongly blame Xerxes. Seleukos Nikator restored the statue from Ekbatana in Media in 306 B.C.
Chapter 73
How does Pausanias describe Naukydes's family, and how does Furtwaengler differ?
Pausanias calls Naukydes a brother of Polykleitos and son of Mothon (II, 22.7). Furtwaengler instead makes Naukydes, Daidalos, and the younger Polykleitos sons of Patrokles, the great Polykleitos's brother. Two inscriptions (I. G. B., 86 and 88) have Naukydes and Daidalos calling themselves sons of Patrokles.
Chapter 73
How does Pausanias distinguish the elder Polykleitos from the younger?
Pausanias (VI, 6.2) expressly distinguishes them: for the boy wrestler Agenor, he says the statue was made by Polykleitos the pupil of Naukydes, 'not the one who made the statue of Hera.' Robert dates this younger Polykleitos's activity to Ols. 98–103 (388–368 B.C.).
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What does Hyde argue about the date of the marble head in the Ny-Carlsberg collection?
Hyde follows Overbeck in dating the head to the beginning of the fifth century B.C., believing it represents a time near the close of Ionic influence on Attic art. Schrader dated it to the last quarter of the sixth century, while Dickins placed it earlier than the Hekatompedon sculptures and called it "typically Ionian in its elaboration of detail."
Chapter 74
How do scholars differ on dating the Aegina pediment sculptures?
Overbeck dates them about 500 B.C., while Furtwaengler, Bulle, Gardner, and others date them about 480 B.C. Furtwaengler's publication of 1906 presented the pediment groups in color, and after his death new reconstruction attempts were made by Wolters and Mackenzie.
Chapter 74
What is the date and attribution debate over the helmeted marble head discussed by Hyde?
Overbeck and Lechat regard it as Attic, but most scholars call it Aeginetan. Bulle dates it in the first decade of the fifth century B.C. The helmet is separately made and fastened on, and the head is 0.27 meter high according to Bulle.
Chapter 74
When was Hiero's Olympic monument dedicated, and what victories did it commemorate?
Hiero won three victories in Olympiads 76, 77, and 78 (476–468 B.C.). The monument was dedicated in 467 B.C., after the death of the king. For the sculptor, Hyde refers to Brunn.
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What did Scherer argue the gesture of certain victor statues was meant to do?
Scherer (p. 33) argues that the gesture in such statues was meant to invoke victory rather than to pay thanks for one already gained. He also agrees with Philostratos that the right hand of the Berlin statue was a gesture of prayer, and argues from this that many similar statues existed there. Rouse, by contrast, wrongly assumes all such statues were votive.
Chapter 75
How does Hyde's chapter describe the strigil used by athletes?
The strigil was a curved blade hollowed out inside with both edges sharp. Its general form remained largely the same from the sixth century B.C. into Roman days, though the curve and handle changed. The commonest were of bronze or iron, per Dar.-Sagl. and Friederichs; examples are in the Metropolitan Museum and British Museum.
Chapter 75
What did Loewy argue about the Berlin Praying Boy statue?
Loewy (R.M. XVI, 1901) showed its Lysippan character by comparison with the Vatican Apoxyomenos and the Naples resting Hermes. Bulle and others refer it to the same school; Bulle possibly assigns it to Boëdas, pupil of Lysippos, who made a praying figure (Pliny, H.N. XXXIV, 73). Amelung, Gardner and others concur.
Chapter 75
Why did Babelon doubt the Berlin statue represented an athlete?
Babelon (C.R. Acad. Inscr., 1904) thought the stele represented a seer in liturgic attitude, as on certain coins of Sikyon, and argued therefore that the Berlin statue did not represent an athlete. Lechat discussed the stele in Rev. arch. 1903. Rouse, following Scherer, also doubted the statue showed any Olympic victor's attitude.
Chapter 75

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What does Hartwig argue about the athlete on the Boston gems, against Furtwaengler?
Hartwig argues that the youth on the two Boston Museum of Fine Arts gems is cleansing the strigil itself, not his body, contradicting Furtwaengler's interpretation. Hartwig makes this clear in the article cited in note 1, adding the two gems at p. 155, figs. 183 and 184.
Chapter 76
How does Hartwig correct Furtwaengler and Amelung regarding the gem athlete?
Hartwig, writing in the Berl. Phil. Wochenschr. in January 1897, corrects the mistake of Furtwaengler and Amelung that the athlete on the gem is cleansing his thigh rather than the strigil itself. The correction concerns the gem listed in Die antiken Gemmen, Pl. XLIV, no. 17.
Chapter 76
What modern restorations does the Vatican statue described in note 1057 have?
The right underarm and hand, the left underarm and part of the hand, the vase, and the basis are all modern restorations. The statue is 1.93 meters high, and Amelung's Fuehrer lists it as no. 25.
Chapter 76
What emendation of Pliny's name Ctesilaus do Bergk and Brunn propose, and why?
Bergk proposed altering the name Ctesilaus to Kresilas in 1845, and Brunn followed him; most recent investigators accept the emendation. The argument rests on the Amazon of Kresilas mentioned by Pliny XXXIV, 53, apparently repeated in the present passage. Jex-Blake, however, finds Ktesilaos a good though uncommon Greek formation.
Chapter 76

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What did Michaelis and Brunn disagree about regarding a victor statue's date?
Michaelis wrongly dated the original to the fourth century B.C., while Brunn first recognized its fifth-century character, publishing this view in Annali in 1875. The chapter thus credits Brunn with correcting Michaelis's dating.
Chapter 77
What was the athletic fillet called in older days, and what earlier garment did that term denote?
The athletic fillet was formerly called mitra (Latin mitella), cited from Pindar. In the Iliad, mitra meant the kilt or apron worn around the waist under the cuirass, with the zoster worn outside. Later it served as a wrestler's girdle and for women's headbands.
Chapter 77
What did Pliny report about the price and reputation of the Diadoumenos?
Pliny praises the Diadoumenos equally with the Doryphoros and says 100 talents were paid for it. Elsewhere he notes a like sum paid by King Attalos for a Dionysos painting by Aristeides, and that a Timomachos painting brought 80 talents.
Chapter 77
What did Phlegon claim about the olive crown, and how does the chapter qualify it?
Phlegon stated the olive crown was introduced in Ol. 7 (752 B.C.), but the chapter says the custom is probably very ancient despite this. Pindar says Herakles brought it from the Hyperboreans, Bacchylides calls it Aetolian, and it probably goes back to popular magic.
Chapter 77

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What does Hyde's note say about the lemniscus and its origins?
The lemniscus was the woolen fillet used to fasten chaplets on the head. Hesychios calls it a Syracusan word, and it appears only in Roman writers and Greek writers of the Roman age. Pliny says it was of Etruscan origin, first made of wool or linden-bark and later of gold. It was used at Rome at feasts as a sign of special honor to guests.
Chapter 78
What did Furtwaengler conclude about the soft-formed athlete statue and its possible subject?
Its soft expression and forms led Furtwaengler to derive it from the Praxitelean circle, from the period when Praxiteles was influenced by Polykleitos. He believed it represented a divinity, perhaps Triptolemos, rather than an athlete.
Chapter 78
Why is the identification of the Westmacott Athlete with the Kyniskos statue not fully certain?
Bulle, Furtwaengler, E. A. Gardner and others find the assumption of identity not completely convincing. Furtwaengler called the identification 'no far-fetched theory' but said 'absolute certainty can scarcely be attained.' Dating also complicates it: even if the Kyniskos were Polykleitos' earliest statue, it must have been erected some time after the victory.
Chapter 78
What does the chapter note about the Elean pentathlete Pythokles and the Epidaurian boxer Aristion?
Their bases are cited from the Olympia inscriptions and I. G. B. The chapter notes that the feet of Aristion were both flat upon the ground. It also mentions the boy wrestler Xenokles of Mainalos and traces on the Kyniskos basis, unlike that of Pythokles, showing the original had not been removed and replaced by a copy before Pausanias.
Chapter 78

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Why were the statues of Chabrias represented in a kneeling attitude?
Nepos (Chabrias, 3) says Chabrias was the first to order his troops to kneel when receiving the enemy's charge. These tactics, used against Agesilaos in 378 B.C., were so favorably regarded by the Athenians that his statues were set up in the kneeling attitude. The statue was erected in Athens after his campaign aiding Thebes.
Chapter 79
Who killed Hipparchos, and when was the tyrannicide group probably set up?
The assassination of Hipparchos took place in 514 B.C. Joubin (p. 46) holds that the group was probably set up under the restored democracy of Kleisthenes. Pliny (H. N., XXXIV, 17) says the group was set up in the year the kings were expelled from Rome, i.e. 509 B.C., a date that conflicts with the democratic context.
Chapter 79
What did Miss Richter claim about swollen ears in hero representations, and how does the chapter counter it?
Miss Richter (Cat. Class. Coll., p. 230) states that swollen ears, as a characteristic in representations of heroes, apply to Herakles alone. The chapter contradicts this by pointing to what it will say below about heads of Diomedes, which also show the trait. Elsewhere the chapter notes that swollen ears on some copies are likely a late artist's modification.
Chapter 79

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Who made the Naples Tyrannicides group according to most archaeologists, and who still favors Antenor?
Most archaeologists attribute the Naples group to Kritios and Nesiotes, not Antenor. The text notes that Antenor's work is stiff and lifeless while the Naples group is full of vigor, differing in head structure, hair treatment, and overall character. However, some archaeologists still favor Antenor, including Wachsmuth, Collignon, and Lechat.
Chapter 80
What did Homolle first call the Delos statue, and what is it generally called now?
Homolle first called it an Artemis because of its resemblance to the so-called Oriental winged Artemis on a bronze relief from Olympia. It has generally been called a Nike since Furtwaengler's ascription, and was brought into connection with a two-part base found on Delos in 1880 and 1881 inscribed with the names of Archermos and his father Mikkiades.
Chapter 80
How do ancient sources disagree about the authorship of the statue at Rhamnous?
Pausanias, Mela, Tzetzes, and Zenobios say the statue was by Pheidias, while Pliny and Strabo say Agorakritos. A fragment of the colossal head came to the British Museum in 1820, and fragments of the figure on the base described by Pausanias were found in 1890 and are now in the National Museum in Athens.
Chapter 80

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What did Pliny say about Myron's treatment of hair and pubic hair?
Pliny (H. N. XXXIV, 58) says Myron seems to have made hair and pubic hair no more carefully than rude antiquity had established, a criticism of his rendering of these details.
Chapter 81
How does Quintilian defend Myron's Discobolos against critics who call it distorted?
In Institutio oratoria II, 13.10, Quintilian asks whether anyone who disapproves the Discobolos as insufficiently upright has failed to grasp the art, in which that very novelty and difficulty is especially praiseworthy.
Chapter 81
What ages does the chapter assign to boys, ageneioi, and men in athletic contests?
The chapter states boys in these contests were probably aged 12-16, the ageneioi 16-20, and the men over 20, citing Roberts-Gardner, Greek Epigraphy, II, p. 166. It notes Bussemaker proposed the same divisions.
Chapter 81
What does the chapter say about the footprints on Athenaios of Ephesos's recovered statue base?
The chapter says the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos was represented in motion, in the act of sparring, as shown by footprints on the recovered base (Inschr. v. Ol., 168). He won sometime between Olympiads 93 and 103 (384-368 B.C.).
Chapter 81

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According to Pausanias, which event was the only one at Olympia until the 14th Olympiad?
Pausanias states that the stade-race was the only event until Olympiad 14, a claim corroborated by Plutarch's Quaestiones convivales and Eusebios' Chronika. Gardiner, however, argues that if the Olympic games developed from a single event, it was probably not the stade-race but either the fight in armor or the chariot-race.
Chapter 82
What does the chapter say about the identity of the Subiaco youth, and which datings are proposed?
The chapter reports that the Subiaco youth has been given at least ten different interpretations, listed by de Ridder and Sauer. Kalkmann, Bulle and Furtwaengler assign it to the fifth century, the latter as a Hadrianic copy; Winter, Collignon and von Mach place it in the fourth century, Collignon linking it to Skopaic art; Amelung assigns it to Hellenistic times.
Chapter 82
What do the two Greek epigrams on Ladas say about Myron's statue?
The epigrams in the Anthologia Planudea (IV, 53 and 54) praise the fleetness of Ladas, whose speed was extolled by Pausanias, Plutarch, Catullus, Juvenal, Martial, Seneca and Solinus. The verses describe the runner's tension and breath, and Benndorf and Studniczka emended the manuscript readings; Studniczka discussed them in his study of Myron's Ladas.
Chapter 82

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What did the inscribed base found in 1838 reveal about Pausanias's account of the Kritios and Nesiotes statue?
The base's inscription names Epicharinos as dedicator and Kritios and Nesiotes as makers. The author states this shows Pausanias got his information about the statue's pose from the statue itself, not from the inscription, and it also gives the correct spelling of the artist's name.
Chapter 83
According to de Ridder, what distance did the hoplite-race cover, and whose argument did he refute?
De Ridder concluded the race was a diaulos. He refuted Hauser's argument that the hoplite-runner covered the stadion four times, the first and fourth laps with helmet and shield and the middle laps without the shield. Pausanias describes a victor who won the diaulos once nude and once with shield.
Chapter 83
How did Furtwaengler respond to the claim that the tree-trunk rules out the hoplite-runner statue?
Hauser argued the tree-trunk meant the statue was not a hoplite-runner. Furtwaengler showed the tree-trunk offers no objection to restoring a shield to the statue. He also held the helmet was not alien to it, though the much-restored head is wrongly attached to the body.
Chapter 83
What did Furtwaengler connect the Naples statue to, and what evidence supported the link?
Furtwaengler connected the Naples statue with the bronze figure of Diitrephes pierced with arrows that Pausanias saw on the Akropolis. A base found there, inscribed with the name Kresilas, supported a votive offering of Hermolykos, son of Diitrephes, to Athena.
Chapter 83

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What three events are shown on the sixth-century B.C. Panathenaic vase B 134 in the British Museum?
The vase represents jumping, javelin-throwing, and diskos-throwing. It is a Panathenaic amphora of the sixth century B.C. in the British Museum, catalogued as B 134, and is cited as evidence for these three pentathlon events appearing together in early vase-painting.
Chapter 84
What did Furtwaengler and Dittenberger-Purgold disagree about regarding the Pythokles inscription?
They disagreed on its date: Furtwaengler believed the first century B.C., while Dittenberger and Purgold placed it in the first century A.D. The dispute is recorded with reference to Inschr. v. Ol., p. 284.
Chapter 84
What did Froehner wrongly interpret the small bronze statuette (0.218 m high) as, and why is that rejected?
Froehner interpreted the statuette, formerly in the Pourtalès and Gréau collections, as that of an oil-pourer, but the position of the hands is against this interpretation. The piece is 0.218 meter high and is now discussed by de Ridder among the Louvre bronzes.
Chapter 84
According to the chapter, what weights and dimensions are recorded for ancient jumping halteres?
Examples include a National Museum no. 9075 weight 4.5 inches long with concave sides and weighing 4 lbs. 2 oz.; a lead one in the British Museum weighing 2 lbs. 5 oz.; a diorite example 11.5 inches long weighing over 10 pounds; and a limestone halter from Kameiros, Rhodes, 7.5 inches long.
Chapter 84

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What evidence does Furtwaengler cite for representations of Myron's Diskobolos?
Furtwaengler shows that there are numerous representations of Myron's Diskobolos on gems, citing Die antiken Gemmen, for example Plates XLIV, nos. 26 and 27, and LXVI, 8. He also refers to a gem in the British Museum, B. M. Gems, 742 and Plate 11.
Chapter 85
Which foot is generally forward in the diskos-throwing position on vases?
The left foot is generally forward in this position, for example on a red-figure kylix in Munich, no. 795. The right foot is forward on two black-figure vases, Gerhard Plates CCLIX, 2 and CCLX. On a red-figure amphora in Naples, a youth holds the diskos with the right hand on the shoulder.
Chapter 85
How was the javelin commonly held in athletic-style vase representations?
The javelin was commonly held slopingly over the shoulder level with the head in representations of the athletic style. For example, this appears in the second athlete from the left on the sixth-century B.C. black-figure Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum, and on a similar figure on a sixth-century B.C. amphora in Leyden.
Chapter 85

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Where did Collignon believe Polykleitos' original victor statue stood?
Collignon (I, p. 490) believed that the original statue by Polykleitos stood in a Gymnasion at Argos. The chapter presents this as Collignon's view, not settled fact. Many of the related heads, the text notes, doubtless come from busts or statues that decorated gymnasia and palaestrae.
Chapter 86
What is the Olympia torso of the victor statue made of, and how does it differ from other copies?
The Olympia torso is of Pentelic marble, like many of the later victor statues at Olympia, and is fleshier than the Naples and Vatican copies. It is in the Museum at Olympia. The preserved part is 1.10 meters high (Treu), while the Naples copy is 1.99 meters high.
Chapter 86
How did ancient sources differ on who invented wrestling?
The chapter lists conflicting attributions: Philostratos ascribes its origin to Hermes' daughter Palaistra; Apollodoros says Hermes' son Autolykos taught Herakles; Pausanias says systematic instruction began with Theseus; Eustathius says Kerkyon discovered it; a Pindar scholion cites Pherekydes and Polemon naming Theseus' charioteer Phorbas, and Istros saying Athena taught Theseus.
Chapter 86

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What evidence does the chapter cite for the date of the boxer's Olympic victory in Ol. 83?
The chapter cites Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Pindar VI 9.3, Hyde p. 88, and Foerster p. 285 as sources for the victory dated to Ol. 83, i.e., 448 B.C. These references support the chronological placement of the victor's monument within the fifth century.
Chapter 87
How did Homer describe the boxing thongs used in the match between Epeios and Euryalos?
In Iliad XXIII, 684, the thongs are called ἱμάντας ἐϋτμήτους βοὸς ἀγραύλοιο, meaning well-cut thongs of a grazing ox. By contrast, the chapter notes that in the Odyssey, Iros and Odysseus fight with bare fists.
Chapter 87
What did Philostratus say about the origin of boxing?
According to the chapter's citation of Philostratus, section 9, boxing was an invention of the Spartans and was first used among the Bebrykes. The chapter also notes a scholion on Pindar claiming Theseus instituted the art of boxing, showing that ancient sources disagreed on origins.
Chapter 87
How does the chapter describe the physical effects of ancient boxing injuries?
Citing a fragment of a poet (frag. 19, l. 4), the chapter gives the phrase πυκτοσύνη ἀλγινόεσσα, painful boxing. It notes that the parts especially injured were the nose, ears, cheeks, chin, and teeth, citing Krause p. 516 and note 18.
Chapter 87

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What did Gardiner conclude about the term akrocheirizein in ancient writers?
Gardiner concluded that akrocheirizein had nothing to do with wrestling, but only with boxing, both as a separate event and as part of the pankration, and meant "to spar lightly with an opponent for practice." He based this on the accurate definition of Suidas rather than on Pausanias.
Chapter 88
How did older writers versus Krause differ on gloves in the pankration?
Older writers such as Faber, in his Agonisticon of 1592, thought the glove was used in the pankration, an opinion long ago refuted by Krause. Waldstein wrongly said the pancratiast sometimes wore gloves. Pausanias does not mention gloves, nor do they appear on any of the vase-paintings.
Chapter 88
What dating does Hyde follow for the artist of the two-victory boxing statue, and why?
Hyde follows Hiller von Gaertringen's earlier dating, published in Wochenschrift für klassische Philologie in 1893, which Dittenberger accepted. Foerster instead dates the artist toward the middle of the second century B.C. The victor won two boxing victories sometime between Olympiads 144 and 147, that is 204 and 192 B.C.
Chapter 88
How did Hitzig-Blümner criticize Hyde's solution to the statue difficulty?
Hitzig-Blümner called Hyde's solution "sinnreich, aber doch ungemein kompliziert" — ingenious but uncommonly complicated. They also found the assumption that a victor would use an older statue of a fellow countryman to celebrate his own victory "sehr bedenklich," that is, very questionable.
Chapter 88

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What did Pausanias say the hippodrome at Olympia measured, and how long was the actual course?
Pausanias (VIII, 38.5) is cited for the hippodrome's extent of 240 by 105 meters, though the chapter notes the actual race course was probably only a stade long. The passage also lists five attempts at reconstructing the hippodrome, by Visconti, Hirt, Lehndorff, Pollack, and Wernicke, with further restorations by Martin and Weniger.
Chapter 89
According to the chapter, when did the kalpe event cease at Olympia, and what chronological problem arises?
Pausanias (V, 9.1) dates the kalpe's abolition to Ol. 84 (444 B.C.), and Polemon agrees if Boeckh's correction is accepted. Scholia on Pindar give Ol. 85 or 86. The chapter suggests Ol. 85 can be reconciled by assuming abolition was proclaimed in Ol. 84 but the event was first omitted in Ol. 85.
Chapter 89
How does the chapter describe the scale of Homer's chariot-race description in Iliad XXIII?
The chapter states that the four-horse chariot-race in Iliad XXIII (vv. 262-650) fills more than one and one-half times as many verses as the seven other contests combined (vv. 651-897). It adds that Homer's description was often imitated by later poets, including Sophokles, Nonnos, Quintus Smyrnaeus, and Statius, and that Hesiod depicts a race on Herakles' shield.
Chapter 89
What does the chapter say about Philip's equestrian victories and the two-horse chariot on his coins?
Philip won the keles at Ol. 106 (356 B.C.) and won the harma twice at unknown dates, according to the cited sources. Since no victory by him in the synoris is recorded, the chapter says the two-horse chariot on his coins may refer to unrecorded victories or, with Gardiner, be interpreted as a pun on his name.
Chapter 89

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Which inscriptions does the chapter call the two oldest known of chariot victors at Olympia?
The chapter states that the inscription on the recovered base of Gelo's monument (victor in Ol. 73, 488 B.C.) and another from the base of Pantarkes' monument (apparently a chariot-race winner at the end of the sixth century B.C.) are the two oldest inscriptions known of chariot victors at Olympia.
Chapter 90
How does the chapter describe Kyniska's Olympic chariot victories and monument?
Kyniska won two chariot-victories in Ols. 96 and 97 (396 and 392 B.C.), and for them had an equestrian group set up in the Altis, the work of the Megarian artist Apellas. Pausanias (VI, 1.6 f.) is cited, and the author says the group will be discussed later.
Chapter 90
What does Pliny record about Kalamis and other sculptors making chariot groups?
Pliny (XXXIV, 71) says Kalamis made four-horse and two-horse chariots with horses rendered without a rival. Pliny also records chariot works by Aristides, Euphranor, Lysippus, Euthykrates, Pyromachos, Menogenes, and Aristodemos. The author notes Reisch used such references to argue for a fourth-century Kalamis, but Furtwaengler rightly referred the monument to the great Kalamis and the elder Praxiteles.
Chapter 90

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What does Theophrastos say about the apobates race, and what counter-evidence exists?
Theophrastos, cited by Harpokration, says the apobates race was peculiar to Athens and Boeotia. The chapter notes evidence of its existence elsewhere, for example at Aphrodisias in Karia, at Naples, and at Rome, where a Latin inscription reads pedibus ad quadrigam. The race also appears at the Panathenaia.
Chapter 91
How do the two ancient accounts of the apobates race differ?
Bekker's Anecdota Graeca says the apobates mounted the chariot in full course by setting his foot on the wheel and dismounted again. Dionysios of Halikarnassos says only that he dismounted in the last lap. The chapter suggests the two accounts describe different moments of the same race rather than contradicting each other.
Chapter 91
What did Furtwaengler conclude about the Delphi Charioteer's style and attribution?
Furtwaengler found the Charioteer's style Ionic-Attic, without Peloponnesian affiliations, and referred it to Amphion or to some unknown artist in the circle of Kritios and Nesiotes. He rejected von Duhn's view that it was an original work of Pythagoras, and combated reading polyzalos as a proper name, preferring Washburn's suggestion that it is an adjective.
Chapter 91
What is the Panathenaic frieze evidence for how charioteers dressed?
On the Parthenon frieze, the charioteers on slabs XII and XIV have long, close-fitting tunics. The chapter also notes a British Museum vase where the driver stands clothed in the regular chiton like the Delphi Charioteer, and similarly clothed charioteers on various red-figure vases. Mueller's general statement that charioteers were almost always dressed in a long tunic alone is called correct.
Chapter 91

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Which victories does Pausanias attribute to the flute-player Sakadas at Delphi?
Pausanias says Sakadas won in flute-playing at Delphi three times, the first in the third year of Ol. 48 (= 585 B.C.). In another passage he says Sakadas was the first to play the "Pythian tune" on the flute. Pollux and Strabo are cited for a description of this tune.
Chapter 92
How do ancient sources disagree about the victor Theagenes' career and size?
Nestor says he was periodonikes ten times, while Pollux says seven times; his victories fell somewhere between Ols. 113 and 122 (= 328 and 292 B.C.). Amarantos of Alexandria says he was 3.5 ells tall, Pollux says four ells, and Athenaeus relates examples of his voracity.
Chapter 92
What did Homolle and others conclude about the Agias statue's relation to Lysippos?
Homolle called the Agias one of the best examples of Lysippos' manner. Later he wrote that its author can only be sought in Lysippos' school or immediate dependence, and that in the Agias we have a statue approaching as closely as possible an original of Lysippos.
Chapter 92
What did Pliny record about the Apoxyomenos of Lysippos?
Pliny discusses the Apoxyomenos in his Natural History (XXXIV, 62 and 65). E. Braun first identified the Vatican statue in the Braccio Nuovo with Lysippos' Apoxyomenos, and its surface modeling was thought to confirm Pliny's criticism of the master at XXXIV, 65.
Chapter 92

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What did Eupompos advise the young Lysippos to imitate?
According to Pliny (H. N. XXXIV, 61), quoting Douris, the painter Eupompos told the young sculptor that he should imitate nature itself (naturam ipsam imitandam), not another artist. The chapter notes such a judgment cannot be literally true, since every artist is largely a child of his age and circumstances, and Jex-Blake discusses the anecdotal character of Pliny's statement.
Chapter 93
Which scholars held that the Agias and Apoxyomenos could be by the same sculptor?
Collignon, Amelung, and Michaelis are cited as believing the two statues can be by the same sculptor; Amelung says the Agias offers the closest stylistic analogies to the Apoxyomenos. Against them, Furtwaengler says the Agias stands entirely far from Lysippos and assigns it to an Athenian artist, and the Gardner brothers also argued the two cannot share a sculptor.
Chapter 93
What did Treu conclude about the statue found near the Great Gymnasion?
Treu believed that the statue, whose place of finding was not far from the Great Gymnasion, once adorned the interior of the exercise-place of the athletes. This inference rested on that findspot together with another fact about the statue. Treu is also cited elsewhere for measurements of the head and for his earlier view calling it a pancratiast with Herakles features.
Chapter 93

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According to Furtwaengler, when did mechanically exact copies of statues begin and become common?
Furtwaengler showed that mechanically exact copies were unknown in the fourth century B.C.; such copies began to be made in the second century B.C., or possibly at the end of the third, and became common only in the first century B.C. (Ueber Statuencopien im Altertum, 1896).
Chapter 94
How did Hyde's view of the Agias statue change between 1907 and this work?
Hyde notes that in A.J.A. XI, 1907, pp. 414-16, he argued that the statue of Agias was an original and not a copy; in the present work he says this view is somewhat modified.
Chapter 94
What did Homolle say about the Delphi Agias if it is a copy?
Homolle (B.C.H. XXIII, 1899) held that if the Agias is a copy, 'c'est celui d'une copie authentique immédiate, contemporaine du modèle' — that is, an authentic immediate copy contemporary with the model. P. Wolters, by contrast, said no one would declare the Delphi statues originals of Lysippos.
Chapter 94
What did Diodoros say of Praxiteles, and how does Hyde apply it to Skopas?
Diodoros (Fragm. 1, Bk. XXVI) characterized Praxiteles as 'he who perfectly blended the emotions of the soul with works of stone.' Hyde argues the words apply much better to Skopas, since Praxiteles' 'emotions of the soul' are mood and temperament rather than emotion and passion.
Chapter 94

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According to Hyde, why should the work be called a hunter and dog rather than Meleager?
Hyde argues that the boar, like the chlamys, is a Roman accessory, so the bronze original needed no support. He therefore prefers to call the work merely "hunter and dog" rather than Meleager. He suggests it was probably dedicated by a successful hunter to Artemis, or else served as a grave-monument, since such figures are common on sarcophagi and Attic grave-reliefs.
Chapter 95
What did Lysippos contribute to the Alexander head type, and what feature recurs?
Hyde states that Lysippos created the Alexander-type of head, as he alone could reproduce Alexander's manly and leonine air, citing Plutarch. E. A. Gardner is doubtless right, Hyde says, that the particular form of brow was a personal peculiarity of Alexander, since it recurs so often in his portraits, including the Sidon sarcophagus head and, to a lesser extent, the Azara head in the Louvre.
Chapter 95
How does Hyde date the Sparta head, and why is it too early for a boys' pankration victor?
Hyde judges the head to be that of a boy of about sixteen, but its style is too early for a victor in the boys' pankration, since that event was not introduced at Olympia until the 145th Olympiad (200 B.C.), citing Pausanias. He notes boys' wrestling began in Ol. 37 (632 B.C.) and boys' boxing in Ol. 41 (616 B.C.), though Philostratos gives two traditions.
Chapter 95
What does Hyde say about the idealizing tendency in victor statues versus deification?
Hyde insists that the idealizing tendency must be carefully distinguished from the deification of mortals, which became prominent after Alexander but existed in Greece from at least the early fifth century B.C. He cites the heroizing of the Thasian Theagenes, Olympic boxing and pankration victor in 480 and 475 B.C. A victor wanting his statue assimilated to his heroic ideal, Hyde argues, does not mean he thought himself a god.
Chapter 95

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How does Pausanias describe the pose of Arrhachion's statue at Phigalia?
Pausanias (VIII, 40.1) says the feet are not far apart and the hands hang down by the sides as far as the buttocks. The image is of stone, and an epigram was said to have been written on it, though this had disappeared with time. The statue is otherwise unpublished; Frazer and Deonna discuss it.
Chapter 96
How did Arrhachion die, according to the ancient sources?
Africanus, Pausanias (VIII, 40.2), and Philostratos (Imag. II, 6) tell that Arrhachion expired at the moment of victory, throttled by his adversary, whose toe he succeeded in putting out of joint. Pausanias also mentions that the body was crowned. Both Africanus and Pausanias date his third victory alike.
Chapter 96
What analogy does Brunn use to explain Greek imitation of Egyptian art?
Brunn, quoted by Gardner, compared the Greeks borrowing their alphabet from Phoenicia but writing Greek rather than Phoenician with it to the Greek artist borrowing the alphabet of art from Egypt but writing his own language of art with it. The author presents this as a true analogy for how the Greek artist became an imitator.
Chapter 96

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Where were inscriptions usually engraved on most Olympia victor monuments before the fourth century B.C.?
According to Inschr. v. Ol., p. 235, inscriptions on the great majority of victor monuments found at Olympia were engraved on the horizontal upper face of the base, in front of the feet, at least down to the fourth century B.C. Dittenberger and Purgold assigned two inscribed convex bronze fragments from the Altis to the flanks of victor statues set up in imperial times.
Chapter 97
What did Kouroniotis conclude about the letters on the torso?
Kouroniotis, who carefully examined the letters on the torso, gave his view in a letter from Dr. Svoronos dated December 29, 1911. He stated that the letters on the torso, in his opinion, have no significance and are most likely the scratchings of some young person.
Chapter 97
How does Plutarch describe the Delian Apollo statue of Tektaios and Angelion?
Plutarch, citing Antikles and Istros in de Musica 14, says the statue held the bow in the right hand and the Graces playing on musical instruments in the left. Pausanias (IX, 35.3) mentions it holding the Graces in one hand. A scholion on Pindar and Macrobius instead place the bow in the left hand and the Graces in the right, an arrangement confirmed by Athenian coins.
Chapter 97
What scholarly disagreement exists over whether certain archaic statues represent Apollo or athletes?
E. A. Gardner referred some statues from the Ptoian sanctuary to athletes, but Holleaux believed they represent Apollo. Vischer admitted some 'Apollos' can be athletes, as Conze and Michaelis had done. Collignon recognized the statues stood for both gods and athletes, while Overbeck and Furtwaengler saw a general scheme for athletes, sepulchral statues, and Apollos alike.
Chapter 97

Section 984 cards

What numbering convention does Hyde use for victor statues in his catalogue?
Hyde retains the numbers from the catalogue in his De olymp. Stat., which shows the order of presentation by Pausanias, keeping them in parentheses (e.g., Telemachos 122). A letter after the number indicates either that an adjacent honor statue stood next to a victor statue (e.g., Philonides 154a beside Menalkeas 154), or that no statue is mentioned.
Chapter 98
How does Hyde interpret Pausanias's phrase en dexia tou naou?
Hyde takes it to mean the southeast corner of the temple, near where the pedestal was found, citing Inschr. v. Ol. 252 and Olympia, Ergebn. I, p. 86. Professor Bluemner objected, admitting three possibilities: the temple's south side personified, or a spectator facing the east front (northern half), or with his back to it (southern half). Hyde replies Pausanias would then have written pro tou naou or antikru tou naou.
Chapter 98
Why did Heberdey wrongly conclude Pausanias copied his altar list from an earlier work?
Heberdey (Eranos Vindobonensis, 1893) based this on the lack of continuity in Pausanias's description of the altars, inferring he took over the enumeration bodily from an earlier work, only occasionally interposing his own remarks, such as the parenthetical description of the Leonidaion at V, 15.2. Hyde presents this as a wrong conclusion.
Chapter 98
What evidence suggests some early victor statues stood along the temple's southern steps?
Hyde argues from the unfinished condition of the back of the Lysippan marble head from the statue of Philandridas (10), together with its excellent surface preservation (Frontispiece and Fig. 69), that some early statues may have stood along the southern steps of the temple against the columns of the peristyle.
Chapter 98

Section 994 cards

Who were the first athletes Pausanias says received victor statues at Olympia?
Pausanias gives this honor to Praxidamas and Rhexibios, who won in the 59th and 61st Olympiads (544 and 536 B.C.) respectively. The author also notes that the statue of Oibotas, victor in the 6th Olympiad (756 B.C.), was not set up until the 80th Olympiad (460 B.C.), by the Achaeans.
Chapter 99
How does Doerpfeld explain Pausanias' conflicting locations for the processional entrance?
The author prefers Doerpfeld's explanation over Heberdey's. In the Roman extension a gate was built at the southwest corner of the new West wall, superseding the older southeast entrance. Processions still passed along the same way but were now inside the Altis, the great gateway of Nero at the southeast corner being given up after his death.
Chapter 99
Why does the author reject Wernicke's theory that Christians destroyed the altar of Zeus?
Wernicke explained the lack of remains by claiming Christians would completely destroy this chief pagan altar. The author argues it is difficult to see why the few Christian settlers in this out of the way place should have shown such anger. Doerpfeld suggested the altar may have stood south of the Exedra of Herodes Attikos.
Chapter 99
What is the latest dated victor statue at Olympia known from inscriptions?
The last dated victor statue at Olympia known from inscriptions is that of Valerios Eklektos of Sinope, four times victor as herald, winning in Olympiads 256, 258, 259, and 260 (245, 253-261 A.D.). The author also notes Philoumenos of Philadelphia, victor in wrestling in Olympiad 288 (373 A.D.), had a statue, though it may have been in Olympia.
Chapter 99

Section 1003 cards

What does Pausanias VI, 1.1 say about whether all Olympic victors had statues?
Pausanias VI, 1.1 distinctly states that not all victors had statues, adding that some of the most distinguished had none. Hyde cites this alongside Inschr. v. Ol., p. 235 to show that statue monuments were not universal among Olympic victors.
Chapter 100
How many Olympic victors' names does Foerster record from all available sources?
Foerster, pp. 26-30, records the names of 634 Olympic victors known from all available sources. Hyde notes that Foerster's lists, though incomplete, are the best that have yet appeared, and he constantly cites victor numbers from them alongside Dittenberger's Inschr. v. Ol.
Chapter 100
What did Phanas of Pellene achieve on a single day at Olympia?
Phanas was three times victor on the same day (τριαστής), in the στάδιον, δίαυλος and as ὁπλίτης, in Ol. 67 (= 512 B.C.). Foerster, 144-146, records these victories, and Hyde discusses the ascriptions earlier in the work.
Chapter 100

Section 1014 cards

What does Hyde conclude about the number and location of Ladas' statues?
The author argues it is best to assume two statues of Ladas, one of which, at Argos, was not by Myron. Foerster had assumed Myron's statue stood at Olympia, but Furtwaengler, Kalkmann, Studniczka, and Brunn opposed this. Benndorf thought the statue formerly stood at Olympia but was in Rome in Pausanias' time. Brunn showed Ladas was a Spartan; Benndorf thought him an Argive.
Chapter 101
How many Olympic victories did Astylos win, and how does Robert reconcile Pindar with the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus?
Pindar gives Astylos victories in stadion and diaulos in three successive Olympiads (73-75). The Oxy. Pap. also names him twice victor as hoplites, in Ols. 75 and 76. Grenfell and Hunt thought Pindar mixed up the diaulos and hoplites victories. Robert, however, supports Pindar and thinks Astylos won eight victories: three in Ol. 75, one in Ol. 76, and the other four in Ols. 73-74.
Chapter 101
What is known about the date of Agias' Olympic pancration victory?
Agias was a periodonikes, but the date of his Olympic pancration victory cannot be determined exactly. The Daochos dedication dates to the later fourth century B.C., in Lysippos' time, yet Agias' victory fell over a century earlier. Homolle proposed 428 B.C. as his floruit without dating the victory; Preuner sets it before the middle of the fifth century; K. K. Smith proposed Ol. 80 (460 B.C.), but Robert placed Timodemos of Acharnai there.
Chapter 101
What does Pausanias say about Eubotas' Olympic statue, and when did he win?
Eubotas won the stadion in Ol. 93 (408 B.C.), according to Africanus, Xenophon, and Diodoros, and the tethrippon in Ol. 104 (304 B.C.), according to Pausanias. Pausanias says his Olympia statue was made before his victory. Ol. 104 was a non-Olympiad.
Chapter 101

Section 1023 cards

What does Hyde's statistical breakdown of Pausanias' 192 Olympic victor monuments show?
Of 192 monuments to 187 victors, only 153 (for 148 victors) can be exactly or approximately dated. Hyde distributes them across four periods: 33 before Ol. 77 (472 B.C.), 51 from then to Ol. 93 (408 B.C.), 36 to Ol. 106 (356 B.C.), and 33 from Ol. 107 to 149 (352–184 B.C.). Nearly half, 74, belong to the fifth century.
Chapter 102
How does Foerster explain Pausanias' claim that Nikokles won five running prizes in two Olympiads?
Foerster arranges the victories as δίαυλος, δόλιχος, and ὁπλίτης in one Olympiad, with two of those contests in the next. None could have been στάδιον, since Nikokles' name does not appear in Africanus' list. Rutgers discusses the same problem, and Le Bas long ago connected a restored inscription with this victor.
Chapter 102
What does Hyde assume about Pausanias' two passages on Isokrates' monuments?
Pseudo-Plutarch's Lives of the Ten Orators mentions a statue of Isokrates in the ball-court of the Arrephoroi and, separately, a bronze statue with inscription set up by his adopted son Aphareus. Hyde states that he assumes these two passages refer to one and the same monument, an inference rather than a certainty.
Chapter 102

Section 1034 cards

How many victors and monuments does Hyde's grand total yield, and how is it derived?
Hyde combines 192 victors from Pausanias, 63 others (61 victors) known from inscribed base fragments at Olympia, and 47 (44 victors) known from literary sources for monuments elsewhere. After deducting 10 victors who had monuments both at Olympia and elsewhere, he reaches a grand total of 282 victors honored by 302 monuments of various kinds.
Chapter 103
Which sculptors made 'honor' statues for specific patrons, according to the notes?
Lysippos made two statues honoris causa for Pythes, son of Andromachos, of Abdera (Pausanias VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134a). Mikon made two statues for King Hiero of Syracuse, one on foot and one on horseback, which Hyde classifies as 'honor' statues (Pausanias VI, 12.2; Hyde, 105a). All 'honor' statues at Olympia named by Pausanias are listed in Hyde's work, page v.
Chapter 103
What does Pliny note about the sculptor Kratinos, and where?
Pliny, in his Natural History Book XXXIV passim, discusses sculptors; Hyde notes that one other sculptor named by Pausanias, Kratinos, is mentioned by Pliny as a painter only, citing Natural History XXXV, 140 and 147. So Pausanias calls Kratinos a sculptor while Pliny's testimony places him among painters.
Chapter 103
How does Hyde treat the 'Apoxyomenos' in relation to Lysippos and the Agias?
Hyde notes the Apoxyomenos in the Vatican was formerly regarded as the center of stylistic treatment of Lysippos, but some scholars now still hold this while others doubt it. He compares it with the Agias, which supplants the Apoxyomenos as the norm of Lysippos, and considers the Vatican statue a work of Lysippos' school, of the third century B.C.
Chapter 103

Section 1043 cards

What does the chapter say about Aristotle's connection to Olympic victors?
The chapter notes that Aristotle received an honor statue at Olympia, and that a lost work of his on Olympic victors existed. It also mentions Aristotle on jumping and jumping-weights, and his praise of the "mimetic" arts. His name appears on the inscribed base of a statue of an unknown Olympic victor.
Chapter 104
What does the chapter say about boxing gloves in Greek contests?
Boxing gloves are described by Pausanias and Philostratos and come in soft (himantes leptoi or meilichai) and heavy (sphairai or himantes oxeis) forms. They were not used in the pankration. The metal cestus was a Roman invention and not used in Greek contests.
Chapter 104
According to the chapter, how were victor statues assimilated to divine types?
The chapter states that statues of men, including Olympic victors, were assimilated to god and hero types: to types of Apollo, the Dioskouroi, Herakles, and Hermes. This assimilation is treated as a general phenomenon of victor statue iconography.
Chapter 104

Section 1054 cards

What two types of Greek racing-chariot does the chapter distinguish?
The chapter refers to two types of Greek racing-chariot, noting that the chariot on vases is the Athenian type and that the racing-chariot descends from the Homeric war-chariot. It also records four-horse and two-horse chariots on vases, four-horse chariots on marble relief, and miniature models of chariots dedicated at Olympia.
Chapter 105
What does the chapter say about the Delphi charioteer statue and its attribution?
The chapter lists a charioteer statue at Delphi, with an inscription, as part of a group, and notes copies of it. It records scholarly debate over the statue: deficiencies noted, Gelo named as dedicator, and the work assigned variously as Aeginetan, Attic, or to Pythagoras. A charioteer statue in Boston and one from the Esquiline are also mentioned.
Chapter 105
How does the chapter describe the chariot-race's status and history at Olympia?
The chapter calls the chariot-race the most brilliant event at Olympia and elsewhere, common in Greece, of great antiquity there, and one of the earliest Olympic events. It was originally with two horses, later four-horse and colt races, a mule-car race, and a trotting-race with mares; it was the sport of the wealthy and was eventually stopped at Olympia.
Chapter 105
Who acted as charioteers, and what did chariot victors dedicate at Olympia?
The chapter states that chariot victors acted as their own charioteers, citing Damonon's hippodrome victories in and near Lakonia as an example. Chariot victors dedicated chariot-groups, models of chariots, and statues at Olympia. The chapter also notes the conventional close-fitting chiton and long chiton of charioteers in art.
Chapter 105

Section 1063 cards

What does the chapter say about the weight of diskos used by boys versus men?
The chapter states that the diskos was lighter for boys than for men. It also notes that diskos-throwing (diskolia) goes back to mythology and is shown by statues, statuettes, reliefs, and vase-paintings. Gardiner is credited with giving seven positions of diskos-throwing, and the record throw of Phaÿllos is discussed.
Chapter 106
Where were the bronze diskoi from the Altis kept at Olympia, and for whom?
The chapter states that bronze diskoi from the Altis were kept in the Sikyonian treasury at Olympia for the use of pentathletes. It also mentions a bronze diskos from Sicily, an inscribed diskos of Asklepiades, and an inscribed diskos of Exoïdas from Kephallenia (?). The diskos is described as an attribute of pentathlete statues.
Chapter 106
What does the chapter say about the Doryphoros of Polykleitos as a victor statue?
The chapter lists the Doryphoros of Polykleitos as a victor statue and states that the original was a pentathlete victor statue. It notes the pose, the copy at Olympia, a Vatican copy, a green basalt torso in Florence, and a marble torso formerly in the Pourtalès Collection. It also mentions the etymology and use of the word doryphoros.
Chapter 106

Section 1074 cards

According to the chapter, when did Greek athletes wear long versus short hair?
The chapter states that long hair was worn by athletes before the Persian Wars and short hair after them, with short hair not being characteristic of athletes. Long hair was braided by boxers and pancratiasts but discarded in wrestling, and short hair could signify mourning at Athens or mark slaves.
Chapter 107
What does the chapter say about the origin of the Greek games and the four national games?
The chapter traces early Greek games to the cult of the dead and dates the origin of the four national games to a single point in early history. It also notes that worship of gods superseded that of heroes, and that gladiatorial shows were borrowed from Etruria by the Romans.
Chapter 107
What was the hoplite-race, and what equipment did runners use?
The hoplite-race, called aspis, was a race in armor that belonged to mixed athletics and came last in gymnic contests at Olympia and elsewhere. Early hoplitodromoi wore greaves and helmets as attributes; later these were discarded, and round shields and Attic helmets were used.
Chapter 107
How does the chapter describe Galen's and Gardiner's contributions to athletic scholarship?
Galen is cited for writing on ball-playing and the Doryphoros and for protesting against professionalism in athletics. Gardiner is cited on topics including the apobates horse-race, diskos-throwing, pankration rules, jumping-weight shapes, and the origin of the four-horse chariot-race at Olympia.
Chapter 107

Section 1084 cards

What did Kyniska of Sparta accomplish at Olympia, and how was she honored?
Kyniska was the first woman to enter and win the chariot-race at Olympia, where a chariot-group and bronze horses were set up in her honor. A shrine was also dedicated to her at Sparta. The chapter notes her victory in connection with the Olympic chariot monuments and the special position she held as a woman victor.
Chapter 108
What were jumping-weights (halteres) and how were they used in ancient Greek jumping?
Jumping-weights were attributes of pentathletes, appearing on vases, reliefs, Roman copies of athlete statues, and stone examples from Corinth and Olympia. Their forms included club-like and semispherical shapes, divided by Philostratos. Aristotle and Philostratos describe their use, and vase-paintings show how they were handled. Jumping with weights was part of the pentathlon, and the spring-board was not used in Greece.
Chapter 108
What does the chapter say about the horse-race at Olympia and who competed?
The horse-race was common in Greece and was a sport of the rich. Horses and colts were distinguished in the race, and the chapter gives the length of the course at Olympia and discusses when the race was introduced there. Monuments illustrating the horse-race are also noted, along with the race known as the apobates at Olympia.
Chapter 108
What does the chapter record about the Isthmian festival compared with Olympia?
The Isthmian festival had a funerary origin, was later held in honor of a god, and was celebrated in honor of Melikertes. Athletes there were divided into three classes according to age. The chapter calls it most frequented but inferior to Olympia, famed in Roman days, with beast contests and excavations on its site. Statues of victors stood on the Isthmus and in Athens.
Chapter 108

Section 1094 cards

What does the chapter say about the loin-cloth in Greek athletic art?
The chapter notes athletes are shown wearing a loin-cloth, which appears in Homer and on early vases and was worn by Asiatics, while Cretan frescoes lack it. Orsippos of Megara is credited with dropping it first, and Plato is cited on the matter. Boxers and wrestlers used it.
Chapter 109
How does the chapter characterize Lysippos as a sculptor?
The chapter presents Lysippos as an art reformer and court sculptor of Alexander, with a canon of his own, who borrowed from other sculptors and was influenced by Skopas. He followed the Doryphoros and nature, improved hair technique, made 1500 statues, and was regarded exclusively as a bronze founder, though also treated as a marble worker.
Chapter 109
What does the chapter record about Myron's victor statues and style?
Myron is described as a realist and versatile sculptor who loved movement, made Olympic victor statues and victor statues at Delphi, and was a pupil of Hagelaïdas. Pliny and Cicero criticized him, and the chapter notes the difficulty of separating his works from those of Pythagoras.
Chapter 109
What does the chapter say about musical contests and their monuments?
Musical contests at Olympia were non-athletic, with honor dedications there and victor or votive monuments in character. Victors in musical contests at Delphi are recorded, musician victor statues stood on Helikon, and such contests appear on reliefs and imitation Panathenaic vases.
Chapter 109

Section 1104 cards

What does the chapter say about nudity in Greek victor statues and foreigners?
The chapter states that nudity was characteristic of archaic statues and was regarded as an essential difference between Greek and foreigner. It notes nudity of victor statues, but adds that it was not observed by charioteers.
Chapter 110
How does the chapter describe the pankration and its rules at Olympia?
The chapter describes the pankration as a combination of boxing and wrestling, contrasted with wrestling, and as a dangerous sport that often resulted in death. It says the author argues it was not so brutal as popularly believed, that biting and gouging were allowed at Sparta, and that boys' contests were introduced at Olympia.
Chapter 110
What does the chapter say about the pentathlon's events and origins?
The chapter lists five events of the pentathlon: diskos throwing, javelin throwing, jumping, and wrestling, with jumping called the most difficult part and jumping-weights used. It says the pentathlon was not in Homer, that men's and boys' contests were introduced at Olympia, and that the Pythian air was played at it.
Chapter 110
What does the chapter record about Pausanias the Periegete and victor statues at Olympia?
The chapter says Pausanias described victor statues in the Altis and gave routes through it, but mentions only part of the victor statues there. It also notes his views on the origin of the Olympic games and on the votive character of victor statues at Athens and Olympia.
Chapter 110

Section 1114 cards

What does Pliny report about the Greek origin of equestrian monuments?
Pliny is cited as the source on the Greek origin of equestrian monuments, and his Historia Naturalis is used repeatedly for details about victor statues. The chapter also notes Philip II's equestrian victor at Olympia and coins showing a victorious jockey with a palm-branch, tying equestrian victory monuments to Greek practice.
Chapter 111
How does Philostratos describe the pankration and its rules?
Philostratos calls the pankration the "fairest of contests" and reports that the Eleans allowed strangling, while biting and gouging were prohibited. He contrasts this with the Spartans, who permitted biting and gouging. He also notes that Plato omits the pankration from his ideal state, and that Pindar wrote eight odes praising pankratiasts.
Chapter 111
What does Pliny say about the custom of setting up victor statues at Olympia?
Pliny is cited on the custom of setting up statues of victors at Olympia, and the chapter notes that the privilege of erecting portrait statues there was rarely given. Pliny also reports that victors were sometimes represented by paintings. The chapter treats these victor statues as votive monuments, following Reisch's view of their votive character.
Chapter 111
What role did Polykleitos play in the development of victor statues?
Polykleitos the Elder was a sculptor of victor statues at Olympia, a pupil of Hagelaïdas, and the author of a canon of proportions. Pliny notes monotony in his art, and his poses influenced later victor statues; he also influenced Lysippos. His works include the Diadoumenos and Doryphoros, and his pupil Polykleitos the Younger also made victor statues at Olympia.
Chapter 111

Section 1123 cards

What does the chapter say about the swollen ear as an attribute of victor statues?
The swollen ear appears as an attribute of victor statues, but the chapter states it is not a determining distinction between heads of athletes and heads of Herakles. So a cauliflower ear alone cannot settle whether a head depicts an athlete, a god, or a hero.
Chapter 112
What does the chapter say about Roman copies of victor statues?
The chapter notes Roman copies of victor statues and states that no copy has been proved to be of a victor statue. It also mentions Roman patrons of art. So claims that a given Roman copy reproduces a victor statue remain unproven.
Chapter 112
What does the chapter say about the stade-race at Olympia?
The stade-race was the first event at Olympia and at the Panathenaia, and a boys' stade-race was introduced at Olympia. The chapter says it is wrongly regarded as the chief event at Olympia, and its victor was eponymus at Olympia.
Chapter 112

Section 1134 cards

What two kinds of wrestling does the chapter distinguish?
The chapter distinguishes upright wrestling (ὀρθὴ πάλη) from ground wrestling (κύλισις). It calls wrestling perhaps the oldest of athletic sports and one of the most popular, notes boys' wrestling was introduced at Olympia, and describes holds (arm, body, front, neck, side, wrist) and throws (buttocks, cross-buttocks, flying mare, heave, tripping) shown on vases and other monuments.
Chapter 113
What does the chapter say about women and the Olympic games?
The chapter states that women were excluded from Olympia but were admitted to the chariot-race there, and that they were admitted to the Heraia at Olympia. It also notes that victress statues of women were draped, in contrast to the nudity of male victor statues.
Chapter 113
Who abolished the Olympic games, and when does the chapter place this?
The chapter credits the Roman emperor Theodosius with abolishing the Olympic games. It lists this under the entry for Theodosius without further detail on the date or circumstances, so the chapter alone supports only the attribution of the abolition to Theodosius, not a specific year.
Chapter 113
What were the Tyrannicides group, and why is it significant?
The chapter describes the Tyrannicides as a group by Kritios and Nesiotes, called the first examples of honor statues, which broke with the law of 'frontality.' The group was returned from Susa by Alexander, reconstructed from reliefs and vase-paintings, represented on an oinochoe in Boston, and compared with the Diskobolos.
Chapter 113

Section 1144 cards

What did Xenophanes protest regarding victors?
The author notes that Xenophanes, the philosopher, protested against reverencing victors, and also commented on the painful character of boxing and the dangerous character of the pankration. These remarks appear in the chapter's index entries, which attribute to him criticism of the honors paid to athletic victors.
Chapter 114
Where were the so-called Zanes statues of Zeus located at Olympia?
The chapter lists the Zanes, statues of Zeus so-called, as standing near the entrance to the Stadion at Olympia. They are cited at pages 33 and 34. These were statues of Zeus, distinct from the Great Altar of Zeus and the temple of Zeus also mentioned in the chapter.
Chapter 114
What did Xerxes do to the Tyrannicides and the Akropolis?
According to the chapter, Xerxes carried off the Tyrannicides to Susa and sacked the Akropolis. These entries appear among the index references, recording the Persian king's removal of the statues and his sack of the Athenian citadel. The chapter gives no further detail on the fate of the statues.
Chapter 114
Which sculptor made the statue of Xenokles at Olympia?
The chapter states that the statue of Xenokles at Olympia was made by Polykleitos the Younger. It also notes copies of the statue of Xenokles, the motive of the statue, and the base of the statue at Olympia. These references are given at several page numbers in the index.
Chapter 114

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All questions and answers

What two kinds of source material does Hyde use to reconstruct victor monuments?

How does Hyde rate Pliny's and Pausanias' accounts of Greek art?

What does Hyde say about identifying Roman copies as Olympic victor statues?

What belief do the Olympia marble heads and oldest-dated victor statue overturn?

Whom does Hyde thank for reading the proof-sheets of the entire work?

What method does Hyde adopt for spelling Greek proper names?

Which plate collections does Hyde cite to identify works of art?

Which scholars supplied photographs for specific figures in the book?

What does the chapter's plate list show about the Delphi Charioteer?

Which monuments does the list associate with the Diadoumenos of Polykleitos?

What Myron works appear in the plate list, and where are they?

Which combat sports are represented in the listed monuments?

Where does Hyde argue Greek athletics originated?

What sport was national at Knossos, and who practiced it?

Why did bull-grappling develop in Crete, according to Hyde?

How was the Tiryns bull fresco interpreted, and how does Hyde correct it?

How does Mosso reinterpret the Vapheio cup scene with two figures and a netted bull?

What does the Boxer Vase from Hagia Triada depict, and why is it important?

How does the chapter characterize Homeric athletics compared with later organized Greek sport?

Which events at Patroklos's funeral games does the chapter consider late additions?

What evidence does the chapter give that the four national games were funerary in origin?

How did the worship of Pelops at Olympia differ from that of Zeus?

What was depicted on the chest of Kypselos, and why is it important?

According to the chapter, how did the Eleans come to control the Olympic games?

What changes did the Delphic festival undergo in 586 B.C. after the Sacred War?

What prizes did Homer describe at the funeral games of Patroklos?

Which wreaths were awarded at the four great national festivals, according to Pausanias?

What kinds of objects did athletic victors dedicate to the gods?

How does Hyde reconcile Pliny's claim that all victors set up statues with Pausanias' claim that some distinguished victors had none?

What does Hyde say about the athletic versus musical character of the games at Delphi, the Isthmus, and Nemea?

What evidence does Hyde give that victor statues stood at Delphi, and where were they placed?

How many statues did the Hellanodikai generally allow per Olympic victory?

Who could set up a victor's statue when he was unable to do so himself?

Did boy victors have their statues dedicated by parents or by themselves?

How did Greek states reward Olympic victors beyond erecting statues?

How did Greek cities honor returning Olympic victors?

Which athletes were worshipped as heroes or gods, and where did this begin?

Did Pausanias's distinction between votive and honor statues hold in his day?

Besides statues, what other kinds of memorials to Olympic victors does the chapter mention?

How does Dio Chrysostom distinguish victor statues from honorary statues?

According to the chapter, what was the general size of victor statues at Olympia?

What common features of victor statues did K. O. Mueller summarize?

Who is credited with starting the change from loin-cloth to nudity, and when?

Why were women excluded from the Olympic games, and what exception and festival existed?

What was the krobylos, and how did athletic hair fashion change over time?

According to Pliny, what privilege did victors who won three times at Olympia receive?

What exception to Pliny's three-victory rule does the chapter cite?

Why does the author argue portrait statues were rare at Olympia?

What did Xenophon's Sokrates say to the sculptor Kleito about lifelike statues?

What aesthetic judgments of victor statues do classical writers give?

What original victor heads survive, and what do they show?

How does the chapter define symmetry, rhythm, and analogy in Greek art?

How did the canons of Polykleitos and Lysippos differ?

Why is it difficult to distinguish victor statues from those of gods and heroes?

What evidence suggests the Hermes of Andros represents a mortal rather than the god?

To which sculptors has the Vatican Standing Diskobolos been variously attributed?

What does Hyde conclude about the Antikythera bronze youth's date and character?

What interpretations exist for the round object in the Antikythera statue's right hand?

What two identifications are debated for the Choiseul-Gouffier statue type?

How does Hyde interpret the so-called Jason of the Louvre?

What does Hyde conclude about the Hellenistic statue blending god and athlete?

How was Polykleitos' Doryphoros adapted to represent Hermes?

Why does Hyde reject the Apollo attribution for the athlete head type with Apolline curls?

What did Loewy argue against Hauser's theory that the Diadoumenos was originally an Apollo?

Why did the Elean umpires bar contestants from entering both wrestling and pankration after 37 A.D.?

Why is it hard to tell a Herakles statue from a victor statue, and what does Hyde say about ears?

How does Hyde divide the victor statues at Olympia into two main groups?

Why does Hyde keep the name 'Apollo' type though it fits gods and mortals?

What two groups do the 'Apollo' statues form, and on what basis?

How does Hyde trace the freeing of the arms in 'Apollo' statues?

What did Philostratos claim Milo of Kroton's statue held and stood on?

How did the Argive school advance the rigid 'Apollo' type before Polykleitos?

Why did Olympic victors keep setting up 'Apollo'-type rest statues so late?

What chronological problem surrounds Ageladas and Pheidias?

What did Pausanias claim about the sculptors of the Olympia gable sculptures?

To which schools have scholars assigned the Olympia gable sculptures?

What characteristics of the Akropolis bronze head link it to the Ligourió statuette?

What does the author say about Polykleitos's career and his statues at Olympia?

What works did Onatas create at Olympia, and who commissioned them?