The Part Borne by the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia 1606-1765 Flashcards
J. E. (Jan Ernst) Heeres · Public domain edition · 183 cards · 51 chapters
J. E. Heeres argues that Dutch voyages between 1606 and 1765 produced the first authenticated European discoveries of Australia, yet remain poorly known abroad. The deck covers the book's structure, its documents on voyages including Tasman's, and Heeres's explanations for gaps in the record.
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Chapter 1 · Question
What does the title page state about the book's publication?
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Chapter 1 · Answer
The book was published by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society in commemoration of the XXVth (25th) anniversary of its foundation. It was written by J. E. Heeres, LL.D., professor at the Dutch Colonial Institute Delft, and published in London by Luzac & Co, 46 Great Russell Street, W.C., in 1899.
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Section 14 cards
What does the title page state about the book's publication?
The book was published by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society in commemoration of the XXVth (25th) anniversary of its foundation. It was written by J. E. Heeres, LL.D., professor at the Dutch Colonial Institute Delft, and published in London by Luzac & Co, 46 Great Russell Street, W.C., in 1899.
Chapter 1
What does the table of contents reveal about the book's structure?
The work opens with a list of books discussed or referred to, a list of maps and figures, and an introduction. Its core is thirty-six numbered documents (I–XXXVI) covering Dutch voyages from 1595 to 1756, followed by indices of persons, ships, and localities. The documents are arranged chronologically, each tied to a specific ship, commander, and discovery.
Chapter 1
Which voyage does Document III describe, and what did it discover?
Document III covers the voyage of the ship Duifken under Willem Jansz(oon) and Jan Lodewijkszoon Rosingeyn to New Guinea in 1605-1606. According to the contents, this voyage resulted in the discovery of the east-coast of the present Gulf of Carpentaria.
Chapter 1
What does Document XXVI credit Tasman's expedition with discovering?
Document XXVI describes the voyage of the ships Heemskerk and de Zeehaen under Abel Janszoon Tasman, Frans Jacobszoon Visscher, Yde Tjerkszoon Holman or Holleman, and Gerrit Jansz(oon) in 1642-1643. It credits them with the discovery of Tasmania (Van Diemensland), New Zealand (Statenland), and islands of the Tonga- and Fiji-groups.
Chapter 1
Section 24 cards
Why does Heeres say Dutch contributions to Australia's discovery are poorly known abroad?
The author argues that foreign students rarely have a working knowledge of the Dutch language, which he says is the first, though not exclusive, reason information about the Netherlanders' part in discovering the fifth part of the world remains imperfect and fragmentary. He adds that even sympathetic students consulting recent works by Calvert, Collingridge, Nordenskiöld and Rainaud are insufficiently informed.
Chapter 2
What occasion prompted the Royal Geographical Society of the Netherlands to publish this memorial volume?
The Managing Board resolved to publish a memorial volume for the Society's twenty-fifth anniversary. Among the plans discussed was publishing the documents on Dutch discovery at the Society's expense. The author calls it a jubilee publication and an act of homage to the ancestors, comparing it to Italy and Iberia honoring Columbus in 1892 and the Portuguese honoring Vasco da Gama's route in 1898.
Chapter 2
Why is the publication bilingual, and who produced the English translation?
Heeres explains that because foreign students seldom read Dutch, publishing the documents without translation would imperfectly attain the object in view. He judged English the most fitting medium for information on Australia's discovery. The English translation is the work of Mr. C. Stoffel of Nijmegen. So the bilingual character is deliberate, meant to reach foreigners as well as native readers.
Chapter 2
Where are the documents Heeres plans to republish preserved, and what do they cover?
The documents are preserved in the State Archives at the Hague, the repository of the archives of the General Dutch Chartered East-India Company, which extend over two centuries from 1602 to 1800, and in various other places. Heeres conceived the idea of republishing them while writing his biography of Tasman, and proposed the publication to Messrs. Frederik Muller and Co., who showed great interest.
Chapter 2
Section 34 cards
What does Heeres identify as the most momentous cause of incomplete knowledge of Dutch Australian discovery?
The author argues that defective acquaintance with the Dutch language among serious students of Australian discovery, or in some cases total ignorance of it, was the most momentous cause of incomplete knowledge of the subject. He adds, however, that it cannot be the only cause, since part of the documentary evidence had already been published in a leading European language, notably through Major's 1859 work.
Chapter 3
Why does Heeres not reprint Tasman's 1642/3 journal in full?
Heeres explains that Major's 1859 Early Voyages to Terra Australis had already made many documents accessible in English, so reprinting them in their entirety was needless. He also notes that charts from the voyages sometimes speak more clearly than circumstantial journals, and that his Tasman publication was itself brought out in English, accounting for the journal's absence.
Chapter 3
How does Heeres divide Dutch voyages on the Australian mainland coast into periods?
He proposes four periods, each closed by the appearance of other European nations: 1595–1606, from Linschoten's Itinerario to Torres Strait and Jansz.'s Duifken discovery; 1606–1622, from the Spaniards' arrival to the English ship Trial's wreck, covering Dutch discovery of the west coast from 1616 and the south-western extremity in 1622; 1622–1688, the palmiest period, ending with Dampier; and 1688–1769, of secondary importance for Dutch discoveries.
Chapter 3
What claim does Heeres endorse about the first authenticated discovery of the Southland?
Heeres endorses Major's assertion that the first authenticated discovery of any part of the great Southland was made in 1606 by the Dutch ship Duifken. He states that all assertions of a so-called previous discovery rest on mere surmise and conjecture, and that before the Duifken's voyage all is an absolute blank. He presents this as a conviction strengthened by national pride.
Chapter 3
Section 44 cards
What did Van Linschoten's Itinerario convey about Australia to Dutch sailors of 1595?
The chapter states that the Far East information available to Dutchmen sailing for India in 1595 rested exclusively on Van Linschoten's Itinerario, and that as regards Australia it amounted to little or nothing. He did not decisively assert Java's insular nature, since it might connect with the mysterious Terra Australis, whose charts bore names like Beach, Lucach and Maletur.
Chapter 4
Why does Heeres refuse to credit Wijtfliet's chart with knowledge of Torres Strait?
Wijtfliet's 1597 chart showed Java as an island and New Guinea separated from Terra Australis, raising the question of whether he knew Torres Strait. The author argues this cannot be inferred: the chart otherwise reproduces vague conjectures about a supposed Southland, and no indications exist of the basis for his open passage, either in his work or in contemporary authorities.
Chapter 4
What did the Duifken voyage of 1605-6 establish about Torres Strait?
The Duifken, commanded by Willem Jansz., left Bantam on 28 November 1605 for New Guinea. Its journal is lost, but from other data Heeres concludes it struck New Guinea's south-west coast near 5° S, ran south-east past the narrows now called Torres Strait, and surveyed the Gulf of Carpentaria's east coast to about 13° 45', naming his farthest point Cape Turn-again. Jansz. probably left the strait question undecided.
Chapter 4
How long did Dutch discoverers remain mistaken about New Guinea and the Gulf of Carpentaria?
The chapter states that throughout the 17th and 18th centuries Dutch discoverers continued in error, since even after Jansz. the east coast of the Gulf of Carpentaria was still called New Guinea by the Netherlanders. Occasional doubts arose, such as Rumphus's report after 1685 on the Drooge bocht, but these doubts were not removed.
Chapter 4
Section 54 cards
What did the 1623 voyage of the Pera and Arnhem achieve in the Gulf of Carpentaria?
Commanded by Jan Carstensz. and Willem Joosten van Colstjor, the ships touched the south-west coast of New Guinea, then followed the east coast of the Gulf of Carpentaria up to about 17° 8' (Staten river) before returning. The voyage also discovered Arnhemsland on the west coast and almost certainly Groote Eyland (Van der Lijns island). The southern part of the gulf remained unvisited, and Torres Strait was again mistaken for a bay.
Chapter 5
What did Tasman's 1644 voyage accomplish in the Gulf of Carpentaria?
With Frans Jacobszoon Visscher in the ships Limmen, Zeemeeuw and Brak, Tasman explored the east coast further, naming many rivers, then turned to the south coast and skirted the west coast, passing between it and Groote Eyland. The author argues Tasman made known the south coast and most of the west coast, though he mistook Mornington Island and Maria Eiland for mainland.
Chapter 5
How does the author apportion credit for discovering the Gulf of Carpentaria's coasts?
The author argues the discovery of the east coast is due to Jansz. (1606) and Carstensz. (1623), while it was Tasman who made known the south coast and the greater part of the west coast. He concedes Tasman's 1644 expedition did not yield complete information and had inaccuracies, but judges its additions to knowledge considerable enough to justify this division of credit.
Chapter 5
What did Gonzal and Van Asschens report on the gulf in 1756?
Jean Etienne Gonzal and then Lavienne Lodewijk van Assehens visited the east and west coasts in 1756, over a century after Tasman. The expedition was of little interest for surveying, but these explorers had more frequent contact with natives than predecessors, and Gonzal's reports on this are worth noting. Van Asschens found the east coast fully 12 miles more eastward than his charts showed.
Chapter 5
Section 64 cards
Which Dutch voyages surveyed the north-west coast from Melville Bay to Melville Island?
The chapter states that during the voyages of 1623 and 1636 the whole north-west coast from Melville Bay to Melville Island was surveyed by Dutch ships. However, in the absence of charts made on these voyages, the author says it is impossible to determine with certainty whether the coastline was traced correctly.
Chapter 6
What errors does the author attribute to Tasman's 1644 chart of the north coast?
The author says Tasman's chart misplaces Wessel-eiland and the islets south of it relative to the mainland, and that Tasman failed to grasp the real character of Dundas Strait and Van Diemen's Gulf, so that Melville Island appears as part of the mainland. Otherwise the chart approximately reproduces the coast-line correctly enough to locate Dutch discoveries on modern maps.
Chapter 6
How does the 1705 chart of Maarten van Delft's voyage compare with Tasman's?
The author states that the chart made in 1705 of the voyage of the ships Vossenbosch, de Waijer and Nova-Hollandia under Maarten van Delft is far more accurate than Tasman's chart, and may help elucidate Tasman's discoveries and those of his predecessors. It is regretted that it covers only a small part of the north-west coast, from Bathurst Island and western Melville Island to Coburg peninsula and Croker Island. Dundas Strait and Van Diemen's Gulf again remained unascertained.
Chapter 6
How did Dirk Hartogs's 1616 discovery come to be named and mapped?
In 1616 the Dutch ship Eendracht, commanded by Dirk Hartogs on a voyage from the Cape of Good Hope to Batavia, unexpectedly touched at uninhabited islands and so first surveyed part of the west coast. By 1619 the coast was known as Eendrachtsland or Land van de Eendracht. The author notes that Keppler's 1630 map records more of this knowledge than Hondius's 1632 world map, including the Trial rocks discovery of 1622 and several subordinate names.
Chapter 6
Section 74 cards
What did Hessel Gerritsz's 1627 chart show on Australia's southwest coast?
The chart of 1627 shows I. d'Edels landt, made in 1619 by the Dordrecht and Amsterdam under Frederik De Houtman and Jacob Dedel; the Houtmans-Abrolhos (Houtman Rocks) discovered on that occasion; Dedelsland bounded south by the Landt van de Leeuwin, surveyed in 1622; and Tortelduyff in about 29°30' S. Lat., an addition dating from about 1624.
Chapter 7
Why did navigators around the mid-seventeenth century debate whether the South-land was one continent or islands?
The author argues that the fragmentary state of the charts explains the debate: on the west coast the coast-line showed breaks in various places. De Witt's land was not connected with Willemsrivier, Eendrachtsland's coast did not run on, Shark-bay was uncertain, the coast facing Houtmans Abrolhos was conjectural, and Dedelsland and 't Land van de Leeuwin lacked unbroken lines.
Chapter 7
What did Tasman and Visscher achieve on their 1644 voyage, and what error did they make?
On the 1644 voyage Tasman and Visscher skirted and mapped the entire west-coast, called New Holland from 1644, from Bathurst Island to south of the Tropic of Capricorn. The author says they mapped it with remarkable accuracy given their means, but they failed to recognise Bathurst Island's real character, taking it, like Melville Island, to be part of the mainland.
Chapter 7
Who surveyed the west-coast south of the Tropic of Capricorn in 1658, and what did De Vlamingh's 1696-7 voyage accomplish?
In 1658 Samuel Volekersen (de Wakende Boei) and Aucke Pieters Jonck (Emeloord) surveyed the coast from near the Tortelduyf past Rottenest and present Perth; the Elburg under Jacob Peereboom reported on the Land van de Leeuwin. De Vlamingh's 1696-7 voyage with Geelvink, Nijptang and het Wezeltje closed the surveying, mapping from Willemsrivier (N.W. Cape) to south of Rottenest with great accuracy, and actually discovering Shark Bay, usually credited to Dampier in 1699.
Chapter 7
Section 82 cards
What did the E.I.C. Managers enjoin the Governor-General in their 1620 letter?
Referring to the vast land south of Java found by the Eendracht, the Managers on September 9, 1620, told the Governor-General and Council to dispatch a ship to resume the work with hope of success. The lands were to be mapped, and inquiry made into the country's situation, productions, commodities, and the natives' character and mode of life.
Chapter 8
What motives besides discovery did the 1622 Haring and Hazewind instructions reveal?
The author argues the instructions of September 29, 1622, show the E.I.C.'s full colonial policy: commerce, increase of territory, and colonies. Commanders were to inquire after minerals, precious stones, pearls, vegetables, animals and fruits; form political connections where possible; and take possession of discovered countries. Discovery remained "the principal end in view," but commercial interest ranked foremost.
Chapter 8
Section 93 cards
Who most strongly backed the exploratory voyages of Governors-General in the early 17th century?
The author states that Governors-General planning exploratory voyages were supported by the Managers of the E.I.C. in the mother country. He singles out Jan Pieterszoon Coen, Hendrik Brouwer, and Antonio van Diemen as most efficiently backed by their principals at home, and ranks Van Diemen foremost for furthering Dutch discoveries in the Far East and on Australia's mainland coasts.
Chapter 9
What fundamental difference between Managers and Governors-General does the author identify?
The author argues the Managers were first of all directors of a trading company and hardly looked beyond a purely mercantile policy. Eminent Governors-General, by contrast, saw themselves also as rulers of a colonial empire regarded with dread, hatred, respect, and awe. This, the author says, was the ultimate cause of their fundamental disagreement over colonial policy.
Chapter 9
What ended the period of great Dutch voyages of discovery?
The author states that because the E.I.C.'s supreme authorities took the narrow view that enough had been discovered for trade, important exploratory voyages ceased. The period of great Dutch voyages of discovery accordingly terminates with Van Diemen's death in April 1645. Later voyages were incidental or undertaken for other purposes, though Nicolaas Witsen briefly revived a scientific impulse behind De Vlamingh's expedition.
Chapter 9
Section 104 cards
What did Van Linschoten's 1596 Itinerario say about Java Mayor's size and nature?
Van Linschoten describes Java Mayor as beginning in 7 degrees South latitude and extending east by south about 150 miles, but says its breadth is unknown because it has not been explored, nor do the inhabitants know it. Some suppose it part of the mainland Terra incognita, but there is no certainty, so it is usually accounted an island.
Chapter 10
What did the 1602 Banda report say about Nova Guinea and the Portuguese?
The report stated that the people of Ceram and Banda could say nothing certain about Nova Guinea, but said white people lived on its south side, inhabited by Portuguese, though they had never seen Portuguese ships. The editor notes the Dutch may have misunderstood, since they were utterly unacquainted with New Guinea.
Chapter 10
What was the Duifken's 1605-1606 mission under Willem Jansz?
According to Purchas his Pilgrimes, on 18 November 1605 a small pinnace of the Flemings departed Bantam for the discovery of the land called Nova Guinea, which, as it was said, afforded great store of gold. The voyage is credited with discovery of the east coast of the present Gulf of Carpentaria.
Chapter 10
What did the Heeren XVII resolve in August 1692, and what does the author regret?
The chapter cites a resolution of the Heeren XVII dated 25 August 1692, though its content is not given here. The author laments that the times of Van Diemen had failed to return and his spirit no longer presided over colonial debates, while arguing Holland again took part in scientific exploration in the nineteenth century.
Chapter 10
Section 114 cards
What happened to the crew of the Flemings' pinnace sent to trade in Nova Guinea?
A Cling skipper from Banda reported that the Flemings' pinnace, which had gone on discovery for Nova Guinea, returned to Banda having found the island. But when they sent men ashore to request trade, nine of them were killed by the inhabitants, described as man-eaters, so they were forced to return, finding no good to be done there.
Chapter 11
What did the E.I.C. argue regarding the Australia Company's exclusion from southern regions in 1618?
The E.I.C. opined that the Australia Company should in every case be excluded from the Southern parts lying between the meridian through Ceylon's eastern extremity and the meridian a hundred miles east of the Salomon islands. It cited its repeated orders to discover Nova Guinea and the islands east of it, including the 1606 voyage of the yacht de Duyve under skipper Willem Jansz and subcargo Jan Lodewijs van Rosingijn.
Chapter 11
What did Tasman's 1644 instructions say about the first voyage of 1606?
The instructions state the first of four voyages was made in 1606 with the yacht 't Duyffken by order of President Jan Willemsz Verschoor at Bantam. The islands of Key and Arouw were visited, and the unknown south and west coasts of Nova Guinea were discovered over 220 miles from 5 to 13 degrees Southern Latitude. The land was largely uncultivated, with savage black barbarians who slew some sailors, and lack of provisions forced a return, naming Cape Keer-weer.
Chapter 11
What did the 1616 resolution propose for discovering the South-land Nova Guinea?
The Governor-General and Councillors resolved to take up again the project of dispatching a ship to discover the South-land-Nova-Guinea and its dependencies, earlier delayed by other business. The Lord Admiral was to dispatch from Amboyna or Banda the ship de Jager with any small yacht at anchor there, since visiting those parts from the East Indies was more convenient than from the Netherlands and could be done without detriment to the Company. If no yacht was available, the Morgenster could be assigned.
Chapter 11
Section 123 cards
What did the October 1616 resolution decide about Cornelis Dedel's voyage?
The Governor-General and Councillors resolved to employ Lord Advocate Cornelis Dedel, LL. D., on the proposed voyage, so that all things might be conducted in good order with the requisite courage and resolution. He was to depart for Amboyna with the Lord Admiral. The plan was for him to take two or three yachts and pinnaces to discover the Southern lands.
Chapter 12
What did Buysero's letter report about the ship Eendracht's route?
Buysero wrote from Bantam on August 31, 1617, that the Eendracht, commanded by Dirk Hartogs, sailed from the Netherlands, called at the Cape, and then went so far southward as to come upon six various islands, which were found uninhabited. The letter does not say which islands these were.
Chapter 12
What land did Pieter Dirkszoon's ship sight on 11 May 1618, and what did he admit?
At 21° 15' S. latitude the crew saw land about five or six miles to windward east, a level low-lying shore of great length, with high mountainous land at both ends. Dirkszoon admitted they could not touch at it, did not know whether it was one coast or separate islands, and said only the Lord knows the real state of affairs.
Chapter 12
Section 132 cards
What land did Haevick Claeszoon van Hillegom sight on 11 May 1618, and what did he conclude about it?
In latitude 21° 20' S he saw a level, low-lying coast extending far, bearing mainly south and north, falling off on both sides with high mountains. He could not approach it. Whether mainland or islands, he says, is known to God alone, but from signs seen at various times—floating sea-weed and land-birds—he suspected it to be a mainland.
Chapter 13
What navigational use did Van Hillegom claim the land sighted in 21–23 degrees south served?
He argued it was a fit point for ships coming with the eastern monsoon to fix a course for Java or Sunda Strait: sighting the land in 21, 22 or 23 degrees and shaping course north-north-west or north-by-west would bring a ship to Java's western extremity. He wrote as a matter of certainty, having made the same on a fixed course.
Chapter 13
Section 144 cards
Why did De Houtman's ships fail to land on the Southland in July 1619?
According to De Houtman's letter to the E.I.C. managers, the ships reached the coast on 19 July but could find no spot for convenient landing owing to surf and heavy seas. On 23 July both ships lost anchors when cables broke in a strong gale, and they kept near the coast until 28 July before being forced to leave, not without danger of being driven onto the land.
Chapter 14
What sailing route did De Houtman recommend from the Cape to Java?
De Houtman advises sailing from the Cape of Good Hope in June or July and running east in 36 and 37 degrees South Latitude until estimating a thousand miles covered eastward. Then steer north and north-by-east until reaching 26 or 27 degrees, thereby shunning the dangerous shoal off the Southland in 28° 46', then run east to sight the land and hold north-by-west for Java.
Chapter 14
What did De Houtman report about the low-lying shoal sighted on 29 July?
De Houtman writes that about three hours before daybreak they unexpectedly came upon a low-lying coast, a level broken country with reefs all round, with no high land or mainland visible. He describes the shoal as fully ten miles in length, lying in 28° 46', and to be carefully avoided as very dangerous to ships wishing to touch at this coast.
Chapter 14
What did Dedel and De Houtman each observe about inhabitants and the land?
Dedel states they saw no signs of inhabitants and did not always keep near the coast, since it formed large bays that would take much time. De Houtman likewise reports seeing no smoke or signs of inhabitants, but says further investigation is wanted. Dedel adds that in 27 degrees the Eendracht's land showed as a red, muddy coast, which some surmised might be gold-bearing.
Chapter 14
Section 154 cards
Which Dutch ships accidentally discovered the west coast of the unknown South-land between 1616 and 1622?
According to Tasman's 1644 instructions, the west coast of the great unknown South-land from 35 to 22 degrees was unexpectedly and accidentally discovered in 1616, 1618, 1619 and 1622 by the ships d'Eendracht, Mauritius, Amsterdam, Dordrecht and Leeuwin, all coming from the Netherlands.
Chapter 15
What did Hessel Gerritsz's chart record about the Leeuwin's discovery in 1622?
The chart legends describe dunes with trees and underwood, low land seemingly submerged by the tide, and note 't Landt van de Leeuwin beseylt Ao 1622 in Maert' — land made by the ship Leeuwin in March 1622. The Leeuwin had left the Netherlands on April 20, 1621 and reached Batavia May 15, 1622 after a very long voyage.
Chapter 15
Why did the English ship Triall wreck, and what did Batavia conclude from it?
The Triall struck sunken rocks at 20°10' S in fine night weather without seeing land; 97 men remained aboard while 46 escaped in boat and pinnace. The English said they wrecked by following Dutch ships' course. Batavia used this and other near-disasters to argue for sending yachts to chart the South-land's true conformation and prevent further accidents.
Chapter 15
What route did the 1622 instructions give the Haringh and Hasewint for finding the South-land?
They were to sail out of Sunda Strait and steer for the South-land from Java's western extremity, keeping close to the wind to avoid being driven west by south-easterly winds. They could run to 32 or 33 degrees; if no land appeared, they had fallen too far west and should turn eastward until sighting land, keeping lookout from 14 or 15 degrees.
Chapter 15
Section 164 cards
What route does the commission prescribe if the South-land trends eastward?
The commander is to follow the eastern extension for some time, but if no further extension southward is found, he must not proceed farther east but turn back. The same applies if the land turns westward. On returning, he is to run along the coast as far as it extends northward, following it close inshore as long as provisions allow for the return voyage.
Chapter 16
What must be recorded about newly taken possessions, and what monument is erected?
The commander and officers, under the commission of Governor-General Jan Pieterszoon Coen, take formal possession by solemn declaration signed by the ships' councils. As a sign, a stone column is erected recording in bold legible characters the year, month, day of the week and date, the persons by whom, and the hour possession was taken on behalf of the States-General.
Chapter 16
What does the commission order regarding natives encountered, both hostile and friendly?
Landing parties must use extreme caution, never going ashore or inland unless well-armed and trusting no one, however innocent natives appear, staying ready to defend against treacherous surprises. If natives approach the ships, care must be taken that they suffer no molestation from the crew. The commission also urges seizing full-grown persons, preferably boys and girls, to be raised usefully.
Chapter 16
What commercial and mineral inquiries are the voyagers instructed to make?
They must ascertain whether the land yields gold, silver, tin, iron, lead, copper, precious stones, pearls, vegetables, animals and fruits, and near the northern extremity inquire after sandal-wood, nutmegs, cloves or other spices, good harbours and fertile tracts for settlements. Samples of metals and pearls are supplied, and trade goods carried to test what natives demand and what they offer in exchange.
Chapter 16
Section 174 cards
Why did Van Speult dispatch the Arnhem and Pera from Amboina in January 1623?
Governor Van Speult sent the yachts Arnhem and Pera to conclude treaties of friendship with the natives of Quey, Aroe and Tenimber, and to further discover and explore the land of Nova Guinea. The islanders had placed themselves under the States-General and promised to trade with the Dutch fortresses in Banda and Amboyna.
Chapter 17
What did the Dutch find on the Nova Guinea coast, and what happened to nine of their men?
The letter of January 3, 1624, reports that the yachts skirted the coast to 17° 8' southern latitude. The men landed in sundry places but found only wild coasts, barren land and cruel, savage natives, who surprised and murdered nine of the crew, partly owing to the men's own negligence. The report concluded there was nothing in particular to be got there.
Chapter 17
What did the plenary council resolve about landing along the coast?
The council resolved to continue along the coast and, on finding capes, bights or roads, anchor there for at most one or two days to land. They would go ashore in good order with two well-manned, armed pinnaces to parley with inhabitants and inspect affairs, and if practicable seize one or two blacks to take along. They touched there because reports suggested the land was the Gouwen-eylandt, impossible to call at on the return voyage in the eastern monsoon.
Chapter 17
What happened when the Pera's pinnace tried to land on February 10?
The pinnace was sent ashore well-manned and armed under the sub-cargo, but heavy rolling of the sea made landing impossible. A man swam ashore through the surf and left small pieces of iron on the beach where he had seen numerous human footprints. Nothing more could be done, so the pinnace returned; the strong current prevented getting the yacht round, forcing them to weigh anchor and drift.
Chapter 17
Section 184 cards
Why did the Dutch council want to capture natives, according to the chapter?
The subcargo was ordered to treat natives kindly but try to lay hands on some, so that once the captives became somewhat conversant with the Malay tongue, the Lords and Masters could obtain reliable knowledge about the productions of their land. The pinnace party, however, could not land because of strong surf and saw only footprints and small grass huts.
Chapter 18
What happened to skipper Direk Melisz and his landing party?
Melisz went ashore without the knowledge of the commander, subcargo, or steersman, taking 15 men and only four muskets to fish with a seine-net. Landing in disorder, the men were attacked by black savages; nine were killed, including Jan Willemsz Van den Briel, and seven wounded. Melisz, first to flee, lamented his want of prudence and died of his wounds the next day.
Chapter 18
What did the crew see in the interior on 16 March, and why did it seem strange?
About 10 miles inland by estimation they saw a very high mountain-range in many places white with snow, which they thought a very singular sight being so near the equinoctial line. The same day they noted increasing north-easterly variation and anchored in shallow water where the tide rose 4 or 5 feet.
Chapter 18
How did winds and currents affect the fleet's progress northward?
The ships repeatedly could not sail at night for fear of cliffs and shallows, and variable winds kept them drifting. On 15 March they calculated they had been driven back westward at least 11 miles in 36 hours, and on the 17th they estimated being 5 miles more eastward than on the 15th despite a strong current driving them fully 11 miles west.
Chapter 18
Section 194 cards
What did the Dutch conclude caused the southward current running straight from the land?
On the 21st, with a weak N.E. by N. breeze, the current ran south straight from the land. The journal attributes this to the outflow of rivers whose sources lie in the high mountains of the interior. The eastern part of that high land bore N.E. and N.E. by N from the ships.
Chapter 19
What happened to the yacht Aernem on the 25th and 26th?
On the 25th, after sailing E.S.E. and then S. by E. and S.S.E., the Aernem's foretop-mast broke, forcing both yachts to anchor in 10 fathom about 4 miles from land. On the 26th they sailed to speak with her crew, who were repairing rigging and replacing the foremast, and both drifted with the current against the wind.
Chapter 19
How does the note describe the natives and the coast near western Nova Guinea?
The note says the natives refused to parley and attacked the men, causing grievous damage. According to wounded men of the Aernem, they are tall black men with curly hair, two large holes through their noses, stark naked, armed with arrows, bows, assagays and callaways, with no vessels. The note adds the coast has no capes or bights sheltering from west and south winds, a clayey bottom, and depths of 3 to 10 fathom.
Chapter 19
What did the Dutch plan to do about a passage north, and what did the note say about seeing the land?
The note records that the high interior of Ceram ends without any opening or passage through which they might run north as planned, passing into low-lying half-submerged land likely extending to Nova Guinea, which they meant to make sure of at any cost with God's help. It also warns the low foreland is invisible until within 3 or 4 miles, while the lofty mountains show from 6 to 9 miles off.
Chapter 19
Section 204 cards
Why did the Dutch name a coastal location Keerweer, and at what latitude?
They named it Keerweer (Turn again) after an incident on 7 March when blacks attacked a pinnace with callaways; a corporal fired a musket, killing two. The name was entered in the new chart because the land there trends to S.W. and West. Its latitude is given as 7°.
Chapter 20
What did the skipper of the Aernem report about the yacht's condition?
He told the narrator that the yacht had nearly been lost in a storm: seas shipped had filled the hold, wetting most of their rice, powder and matches. Men sent aboard found the yacht very weak and disabled above the waterline, so it was resolved that the main-topmast, already taken down as a precaution, should not be put up again provisionally.
Chapter 20
What did the narrator's note say about landing on this coast?
The note states landing with boats or pinnaces is impossible because of the clayey, muddy bottom, in which a man sinks to the waist; the water is only 3 or 4 fathom deep 3 or 4 miles from land. The land is low-lying, half-submerged, under water at high tide, covered with wild trees, and inhabited by natives the author describes as coal-black and seemingly evil-natured.
Chapter 20
What did the Dutch observe about the natives' canoes and weapons?
The natives' canoes are small, holding at most 3 or 4 people, made from one piece of wood, and paddled by men standing with long oars. Their arms are arrows, bows, assagays and callaways, which they use with great dexterity and skill. Broken iron, parangs and knives are in special demand with them.
Chapter 20
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What did the Dutch find when they went ashore on the 12th, and how did the natives respond?
Near the beach they saw fresh human footprints and twenty or more small grass huts, concluding the natives must be small, poor and wretched. Deeper in the wood, blacks sprang from brushwood and shot arrows with loud shouts, wounding a carpenter in the belly and an assistant in the leg. The Dutch fired three or four muskets, killing one man, after which the natives dragged the body into the wood.
Chapter 21
How does the chapter describe the appearance and weapons of the natives?
The note says the natives are quite black and naked, with no covering over their privy parts, their hair curly in the manner of the Papues. They wear fish-bones through the nose and pieces of tree-bark a span long through their ears, so that they look more like monsters than human beings. Their weapons are bows and arrows, which they use with great skill.
Chapter 21
What is the Valsch Caep, and where is it located?
The Valsch Caep is a sandbank and foreland named on the new chart, extending about 4 miles west, southwest and west by south of the land. It lies in latitude 8 degrees 15 minutes south and about 70 miles east of Aru. A footnote identifies it as the south-west point of Prince Frederik Hendrik island.
Chapter 21
What did the Dutch observe about the land and tides near the Valsch Caep?
The note describes the land as low-lying and half-submerged to the north, with much of it under water at high tide; to the south it is somewhat higher and inhabited by natives who built huts there. The author records that the land is barren and covered with tall wild trees. The journal also notes currents setting strongly southwest and water rising and falling fully 1.5 to 2 fathoms each tide.
Chapter 21
Section 224 cards
Why did the Dutch council decide to land on the coast on the 22nd?
The council resolved to land with two properly manned and armed pinnaces because the coast was covered with cocoanut trees and the land seemed higher, better and more fertile than any they had seen before. They could not get ashore directly owing to shallow water and a muddy bottom, so they rowed to the small island instead.
Chapter 22
How did the Dutch replace the Aernem's lost rudder, and what did it cost them?
No new square rudders existed in either yacht, so the council resolved to build a rudder in the Chinese and Javanese manner using available materials. The Pera had to give up her main-top mast, the rest of the wood was cut on land, and the expedition tarried until the rudder was replaced, which restored the Aernem to sailing trim by the 25th.
Chapter 22
How did the 25 naked men in canoes react to Dutch trade goods?
They showed great satisfaction at small pieces of iron and strings of beads, but paid little or no attention to gold, silver, copper, nutmegs and cloves, though ready to accept such articles as presents. They refused a rug, beads and iron for one of the shell hammers, yet were willing to barter it for one of the boys.
Chapter 22
What features led the Dutch to name the small island Vleermuys-Eylant?
The note describes the island as about 8°8' southern latitude, roughly a quarter-mile in circumference, high, with wild trees east and bare west, ringed by rocks overgrown with oysters and mussels, and bearing about a hundred full-grown cocoanut trees plus bananas and oubi-trees. Fresh water trickled through clay into dug pits, and large numbers of bats lived in the trees, hence the name Bats' Island.
Chapter 22
Section 233 cards
Why did the ships abandon their eastward course along the coast?
After reports of very shallow water to the east (depths of only 7 to 10 feet over a mile or more), the journal concludes it is impossible to continue following the coastline eastward. The ships were caught in the shallows as in a trap, and the writer states they must, to their great regret, return the way they came, tack about, and use the ebb tide to reach deeper water.
Chapter 23
What did the boat crews report about the land near the shallows?
The steersman of the Pera reported land extending east and east by north, very low-lying and muddy, overgrown with low brushwood and wild trees. The skipper later confirmed the land was low-lying and half-submerged, and that even at high water the boats could not approach closer than a pistol-shot because of shallow water and soft mud.
Chapter 23
How did the ships escape the shallows, and how large were the shallows?
The journal's note says they managed with extreme difficulty and great peril to get out of the shallows into which they had sailed as into a trap, and gives thanks to God for the deliverance. The shallows extend south and north from 4 to 9 miles from the mainland and are 10 miles in length from east to west.
Chapter 23
Section 244 cards
What did the Dutch find when they went ashore on 17 April?
The author's narrative records that they went a considerable distance into the interior, finding a flat, fine country with few trees and good soil for planting and sowing, but apparently utterly destitute of fresh water. They saw no human beings or signs of them. Near the strand the coast was sandy with a fine beach and plenty of excellent fish.
Chapter 24
How did the Dutch capture a black man on 18 April?
The skipper of the Pera landed with two pinnaces. Many blacks, some armed, approached fearlessly, touching the men's muskets and trying to take things. The Dutch diverted them with iron and beads, then seized one by a string around his neck and carried him to the pinnace. The remaining blacks howled and made violent gestures; those in the wood stayed hidden.
Chapter 24
What happened when woodcutters were attacked on 19 April?
Because the yachts were poorly supplied with firewood, the skipper of the Pera went ashore with two armed pinnaces. Over 200 blacks came upon the men and tried to surprise and overcome them, so the Dutch fired two shots; the blacks fled, one having been hit and fallen. The men later found weapons and took some as curiosities.
Chapter 24
What did the Dutch conclude from bones found inland?
During their march the men observed in various places great quantities of divers human bones. From this the narrator concludes it may be safely inferred that the blacks along the coast of Nova Guinea are man-eaters who do not spare each other when driven by hunger. This is the expedition's inference, not independently verified in the chapter.
Chapter 24
Section 253 cards
Why did the council decide to turn back instead of continuing south?
On 24 April the council weighed whether to run further south and agreed to give it up. Reasons: they might enter a vast bay; in these regions east-monsoon north-winds prevail, so they would fall on a lee-shore; and turning back served the Lords Managers' advantage. They resolved to follow Nova Guinea's coast northward, examine places carefully, then head for Aru and Quey.
Chapter 25
What did the Dutch do to mark their arrival at the Staten Revier?
Lacking stone, they nailed a wooden tablet to a tree, carved with words recording that on 24 April 1623 two yachts sent by the High Mightinesses the States-General arrived there. They named the river Staten Revier in the new chart, placing it at 17 degrees 8 minutes. The entry is dated 24 April, though the river exploration is described under 25 April.
Chapter 25
What incentive did the commander propose for capturing black people?
The commander proposed, and the council approved, giving the boatmen 10 pieces of eight for every black they seized on shore and carried off to the yachts. The stated aim was that the men would use greater care and diligence, and that the Masters might reap benefit from the capture, which might later redound to certain advantage.
Chapter 25
Section 264 cards
What did the crew repeatedly search for along the coast, and with what result?
They landed repeatedly to dig pits in search of fresh water, finding none on 29 and 30 April. On 1 May the skipper had three pits dug and at last found fresh water forcing through the sand; they also found a small fresh-water lake about 400 paces north, but judged the pit water better.
Chapter 26
How does the journal describe the land and its inhabitants near Waterplaats?
The author describes the land as low-lying, without hills, very dry and barren, with no fruit-bearing trees or useful products, concluding it contains no metals or precious woods. He calls it the most arid and barren region on earth and its inhabitants the most wretched and poorest creatures he has seen, noting they have no boats or canoes because there are no large trees.
Chapter 26
What happened when the Dutch tried to capture a native on 8 May?
The skipper seized one black round the waist while the quartermaster put a noose round his neck and dragged him to the pinnace. Other blacks attacked with assagays to rescue him; the Dutch shot one, and the rest fled. The Dutch then returned on board, hoping later information would come from the captured man.
Chapter 26
How did the natives respond to Dutch gifts of iron and beads on 5 and 7 May?
On 5 May the blacks attacked with weapons, then fled; the Dutch left iron and beads on their assagays and callaways, but the natives seemed indifferent, holding up shields boldly and throwing them at the muskets. On 7 May over 100 blacks tried to stop the landing; a musket was fired to frighten them and they retreated into the wood.
Chapter 26
Section 274 cards
Why did the Dutch fail to learn about Nova Guinea's population and resources?
The author's journal states the blacks received them as enemies everywhere, making landings perilous. Further obstacles included the rainy season, which could hinder musket use while not affecting native weapons; unknown paths; and risk of being surrounded and cut off from the boats, whose sailors were imperfectly versed in muskets. The writer adds that well-drilled soldiers might have accomplished much more.
Chapter 27
How does the journal describe the land and natives between 13° and 17°8'?
The land is called a barren, arid tract without fruit-trees, low-lying and flat, with little fresh water collected in dug pits, no bays except a few unsheltered bights, and shallows along a clayey sandy bottom. The natives are described as utter barbarians, coal-black and alike in shape, with twisted nets round heads and necks for keeping food, living chiefly on ill-smelling roots dug from the earth.
Chapter 27
What weapons and tactics did the natives use, according to the journal?
Their weapons were shields, assagays, and callaways about 1.5 fathoms long, made of light wood and cane, some tipped with fish-bones and others with human bones. They threw these expertly using a piece of wood half a fathom long with a small hook tied in front, placed on top of the callaway or assagay.
Chapter 27
What happened when the Dutch landed on 12 June and encountered about 200 savages?
The savages stood on the beach making violent noise and threatening arrows, refusing to parley despite gifts of iron. The Dutch fired one or two shots, hitting one black in the breast; the others retired to hills or dunes. In the huts they found an assagay, pebbles, human bones, black resin, and a piece of metal probably from the Duyfken men. The wounded man died before reaching the yacht.
Chapter 27
Section 283 cards
Why did Carstenszoon's crew abandon coasting along Nova Guinea on 15 May?
They resolved to turn back because shallows, reefs, sandbanks and easterly winds made it impossible to touch at or follow the land, and they feared imminent perils if they continued coasting. They stood out to sea on a west course in 9½ fathoms and more, heading first for the Vleermuijs Eijlant.
Chapter 28
How does the note explain the hostility of the black men between 13° and 11°?
The note says that in landings between 13° and 11° they saw black men or savages only twice, and these received them much more hostilely than those farther south. It adds that these people are acquainted with muskets, of which they seem to have experienced the fatal effect when the men of the Duyffken landed there in 1606.
Chapter 28
What happened to the yacht Aernem, and where did the Pera finally anchor?
On 17 April the Aernem had with malice prepense sailed away from the Pera in 17° near the coast of Nova Guinea, and the Aruese who came alongside said they had not seen it. The Pera reached Aru around 22 May and anchored before the castle of Amboyna on the evening of 8 June, ending the voyage.
Chapter 28
Section 304 cards
What did the 1623 yachts Pera and Arnhem accomplish under Jan Carstens?
Sailing from Amboyna in January 1623, they sought friendly relations with Key, Arou and Tenimber and explored Nova Guinea and the South-lands. Alliances were made and the south coast of Nova Guinea further discovered, but the ships separated: Arnhem found the large islands of Arnhem and Speult and returned to Amboyna, while Pera coasted Nova Guinea to Cape Keer-Weer and 17 degrees near the Staten river.
Chapter 30
What land did the Leyden sight on 21 July 1623, and in what latitude?
The journal records that in the morning they sighted Eendrachtsland in latitude 27 degrees, about 6 miles distant South-west by west, sounding 61 fathom on fine gravel bottom. The land looked outwardly like Robben Island in Taffel Bay. At noon, in latitude 26 degrees 43 minutes, they shaped course northward and afterwards drifted in a calm.
Chapter 30
What does the chapter say about naming Van Diemen's and Maria's Land?
The narrative relates that in 11 degrees S.L. the ships discovered vast lands named Van Diemen's and Maria's Land, which the text suspects to be Arnhem's or Speult's islands, though extending in another direction. The editor's footnote refers readers to his Life of Tasman and to a reproduction of the Nolpe-Dozy chart in Remarkable Maps.
Chapter 30
What unusual event occurred on the Leyden on 27 July 1623?
The journal records that WILLEMTGEN JANSZ., wedded wife of WILLEM JANSZ. of Amsterdam, midshipman, was delivered of a son, who received the name SEEBAER VAN NIEMELANT. At noon the latitude was 24 degrees 15 minutes, and they sailed northward in calm and variable winds, generally on a North-by-west course.
Chapter 30
Section 314 cards
What did Coen report about the plane chart's miscalculation near the Southland?
Coen wrote that the plane chart's reckoning from Cabo de bon' Esperança to the Southland in 35 degrees latitude gave an overplus of more than 270 miles of sea. He argued this miscalculation had brought, and was still daily bringing, many vessels into great perils, and asked the Directors to have the plane charts corrected as experts found advisable.
Chapter 31
What did Van Roosenbergh observe about the Southland coast's appearance and direction?
Van Roosenbergh sighted the land of d'Eendracht near Dirck Hartochs reede at about 7 miles' distance. He described it as of middle height, something like Dover in England, less low than some had asserted, and of a whitish hue, so that at night it could not be seen before one was quite close. He found its direction differed from the chart by 3½ points.
Chapter 31
What did Coen say happened to the Galias during the voyage?
Coen reported that on the night after 10 August, in 37½ degrees Southern Latitude, the rudder of the Galias broke in a strong wind, making the ship ungovernable and dashing the sails to pieces. The other two ships failed to observe the accident owing to the darkness, and the Galias was separated from them. The next day, with the rudder repaired, they continued the voyage.
Chapter 31
What signs of land did Van Roosenbergh's crew see before sighting the coast?
Van Roosenbergh reported seeing no other signs of land beyond gulf-weed floating about in small quantities as in the Sargasso Sea, and some land-birds flying high overhead. The many-coloured birds met near Tristan de Aconcha had left them two days before. They also saw a black bird with a white tail and white streaks under its wings, and a number of sanderlings three or four days earlier.
Chapter 31
Section 324 cards
What did Roosenbergh's crew conclude caused the sea to turn white as buttermilk?
The crew first feared a shallow sea, set the foresail, and cast the lead, but found no bottom. When the rising moon restored the water's usual colour, they concluded the strange whiteness had been caused by the very pale sky, made all sail, and ran on at full speed.
Chapter 32
How did the Vyanen come to discover De Witt's Land in 1628?
The letter of the Governor-General and Councillors states the Vyanen sailed to the strait of Balamboan, left there on 25 January, and was driven so far south by head-winds that she came upon the South-land beyond Java and ran aground. She was forced to throw overboard 8 or 10 lasts of pepper and a quantity of copper before getting off again without further damage.
Chapter 32
What did Tasman's 1644 instructions say about the Southland's coasts and inhabitants?
They note that the Gulde Zeepaert discovered the south coast in 1627 and the Viana the north side in 1628 at about 21 degrees southern latitude, sailing some 50 miles along it. The author records that these discoveries yielded little information, only that the land has barren and dangerous coasts, green fertile fields, and exceedingly savage, black, barbarian inhabitants.
Chapter 32
What happened to Pelsaert's ship Batavia on 4 June 1629?
About two hours before daybreak the rudder struck rocks with a violent shock and the ship was checked by them. Pelsaert rushed on deck, found the sails atop and a south-west wind; the breakers were mild at first but soon ran on with great vehemence. At daybreak the ship was surrounded by cliffs and shoals, and he sent the skipper to two islets to test landing.
Chapter 32
Section 334 cards
What did the crew do on the 7th and why was it necessary?
On the 7th they remained at the island to repair the pinnace with a plank. The journal states that without this repair it would have been impossible to reach the mainland, so the stop was a practical necessity rather than a choice.
Chapter 33
How did the crew obtain drinking water on the 15th, and what had they endured?
After digging found only salt water, some men found rain-water collected in rock cavities on the higher land, where crab-shells and fire-ashes suggested recent native presence. They gathered about 80 cans. Since losing their ship they had had only one or two mutchkins daily, with no wine or other drink.
Chapter 33
What did the men see when they rowed ashore after spotting smoke on the 14th?
Six men swam ashore and searched for water until nightfall without finding any. They saw four men creeping on all fours who sprang up and ran off when the crew emerged. The journal describes them as black men, stark naked, without the least covering. The swimmers returned grievously wounded by rocks and breakers.
Chapter 33
How does the journal describe the coast and land encountered on the 12th and 13th?
The journal calls it a barren, accursed earth without leafage or grass. The coast fell off steeply with no foreland or inlets, and the men could not approach owing to violent surf. On the 13th the coast was steep red rock of nearly uniform height, impossible to touch. Later the higher ground was barren, with many high ant-hills resembling huts.
Chapter 33
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Why did Pelsaert abandon the search for water and sail for Batavia?
Pelsaert resolved to make for Batavia because the wind turned north-east so he could not keep near the land, he was more than 100 miles from the men left on the island-rocks, and he had found only enough water for two mutchkins daily for his own crew. He hoped the Governor-general could order measures for the succour of those left behind.
Chapter 34
What did Pelsaert's crew observe on the South-land on 3 September?
They saw the mainland extending N.N.W. and S.S.E. about 3 miles off, treeless and barren with a few sandy dunes like the coast to the northward, in 29° 16' southern latitude, sounding 25 fathom on fine sandy bottom. Rock-weed and cuttle-bones floating about had prompted them to turn eastward.
Chapter 34
What mishap struck the Sardam at anchor on the evening of 3 September?
After the hollow seas threw the ship close to the land, they anchored one mile offshore, and at two glasses in the first watch the anchor broke in two, so they had to bring out another in great haste. The next morning, with the swell still hollow, they weighed anchor and stood out to sea on a W.N.W. course to get off the lee-shore.
Chapter 34
How did reefs and shoals repeatedly affect the Sardam's course in early September?
On 4 September a shoal appeared a musket-shot ahead, forcing them to turn and anchor in 27 fathom. On 5 September they sighted more breakers, shallows and islets, sounding 27 to 29 fathom along a reef running S.S.W. and N.N.E. On 8 September breakers seen in the evening sent them standing out to sea all night.
Chapter 34
Section 354 cards
Why did the commander decide to keep tacking off the outermost shoal near the Abrolhos?
He found he always came too high or too low, and touching the rocks from the outside was very dangerous owing to high swells and foul bottom. He therefore resolved to keep tacking off the outermost shoal, then went over again nearly to weatherward with a S.S.E. wind, keeping an eastern course.
Chapter 35
What did the crew see on 17 June that made them rejoice, and what did they find on landing?
They saw smoke rising from a long island two miles west of the wreck and from another islet close to the wreck, and all rejoiced, hoping most of the people were alive. The commander went ashore in a boat with water, bread and wine, but saw no one, at which they were greatly astonished.
Chapter 35
How did the castaways' latitude readings cause problems for the commander?
After the shipwreck the steersmen had taken the latitude of 28 degrees 8 minutes and 28 degrees 20 minutes on one of the islands. The commander states this mistake caused no little loss of time and misunderstanding on their part in seeking out these places.
Chapter 35
How does the journal describe the cat-like animals found on the islands?
They are about the size of a hare, with a head like a civet-cat, short forepaws with five small nails like a monkey's, and long hind-legs on which they walk. The female carries a pouch below the belly containing her nipples, and young only the size of a bean were found growing there, perfectly proportioned.
Chapter 35
Section 364 cards
What did the Dutch find on the Abrolhos islands besides turtle-doves?
The chapter states that on these two islands the Dutch found a number of grey turtle-doves but no other animals. There was no vegetation beyond brushwood, and little or no grass. The narrator says this, together with what was previously related, is all they experienced and met with about these Abrolhos.
Chapter 36
What evidence of inhabitants did the crew see on the Southland coast, and how did the natives respond?
The crew saw a small column of smoke rise from higher land, which soon vanished. Later they saw divers smoke-clouds and sent the pinnace ashore, where men found a brackish-then-fresh streamlet, many human footprints, continuous footpaths leading to the mountains, and numerous smoke-clouds. The blacks kept themselves in concealment, and no human being was seen.
Chapter 36
Who were marooned on the Southland, and why?
The narrator sent ashore the two condemned delinquents Wouter Loos and Jan Pelgrom de By, of Bemmel, in a sampan provided with all necessaries. They had been sentenced to being marooned. The narrator hoped the punishment might redound to the service of the Company and that the two might survive to give trustworthy information about these parts. The inlet is in 27° 51'.
Chapter 36
What land did Commander de Jongh judge his ship had reached in May 1635?
De Jongh judged the land they sighted to be the land of d'Eendracht, and the land they were near at noon to be Dirck Hartochsz-Roads, since before them lay a large bay or bight between two capes. From the main-topmast no land could be seen in the bay, but so far as they could discern the surf ran through the whole bay from one cape to the other.
Chapter 36
Section 374 cards
What did the Dutch ships find on the north coast of Australia in 1636, and who commanded them?
The yachts Klein-Amsterdam and Wesel were sent to discover lands east of Banda and the South-land extending southwest. Gerrit Thomaszoon Pool commanded initially but was killed on New Guinea's southwest coast on April 28, 1636, and Pieter Pieterszoon succeeded him. The chapter notes the account excludes further New Guinea discovery, though the 1632 route is given to illuminate Willem Jansz.'s 1605/6 expedition.
Chapter 37
What did the Pera and Arnhem find when they landed along the New Guinea coast?
The men of the Pera and Arnhem sailed this coast from about 4 degrees to 17 degrees 8 minutes south and landed at various places. There they found nothing but barren coasts and lands and utterly barbarian, cruel, wild natives, who surprised nine of the crew fishing and assassinated them. The instructions cite this as a warning to Pool's expedition.
Chapter 37
What route did the instructions prescribe after reaching 17° 8' South?
From the farthest point discovered at 17° 8' South, the ships were to skirt the coast as far as Houtmans Abrolhos in 28 and 29 degrees, and farther still if provisions held out, crews allowed it, and the yachts could withstand the rough seas prevailing in the Southern Ocean in 33 and 34 degrees. They were then to return to Batavia through Sunda Strait, touching at the Trials if possible.
Chapter 37
How did the ship's company use lead soundings to estimate position off the coast?
On sighting land they cast the lead and recorded depths and bottoms: 90 fathom whitish sand with small shells about 4.5 to 5 miles off, then 75, 55, 50, and 48 fathom at decreasing distances, with sandy or greyish bottoms. At night, unable to see the coast, they kept sounding every two or three glasses and estimated distance from course and rate of progress rather than sight.
Chapter 37
Section 384 cards
What did the 1636 instructions say about finding a passage to the South Sea?
The instructions ordered bays and inlets to be diligently examined and a sharp look-out kept for channels or openings into the South Sea. The directors surmised such a passage was more likely to the northward than the southward, given the breadth of the South-land between 28 and 32 or 33 degrees. If channels or islands were found, the ships were to pass through and return by the same passage.
Chapter 38
How were the expedition's crews told to treat natives they met?
With great circumspection on landing and, toward natives who came to parley, great kindness, wary caution and skilful judgment. Petty thefts and slight misdemeanours were to pass unnoticed, to draw the natives in rather than inspire aversion to the Dutch nation. The instructions add that whoever discovers unknown lands and tribes must be patient and long-suffering, not quick to fly out.
Chapter 38
What did the instructions require be recorded about lands and peoples?
Accurate surveyings of all lands, islands, strands, rivers, bays, points, rocks, reefs, cliffs and shallows, with true bearings, longitude and latitude. Close attention to the people's disposition, character, religion, government, wars, arms, food and clothing. Exact records of winds, currents, rains and tides. Subcargo Pieter Pietersen was to assist with this work.
Chapter 38
What did the directors assume about Nova Guinea and the South-land?
They were convinced the west coast of Nova Guinea, or the land found as far as Lat. 17° 8' South by the yachts Pera and Arnhem, formed one whole with the South-land, and took this for granted in drawing up the instructions. They admitted the contrary was possible: if the South-land proved an island, the ships were to sail south along Nova Guinea to 32° S.L. and then westward.
Chapter 38
Section 394 cards
What did Pieter Pietersen report after surveying the newly discovered land for 20 miles?
He saw many fires and frequent clouds of smoke, but no natives, houses, prows or fruit-trees, though he paddled close along the shore with an orangbay and went ashore in several places. He found the land wild and barren, and could not come to parley with any inhabitants. On 20 June he ran north from a Red point where the land falls off to the west, to make for Timor and Tenember.
Chapter 39
What did the journal's author conclude about the ship's position on 12 June, and why?
At noon they were in Lat. 10° 2', which the author says is farther south than their estimation and courses kept would allow. The author therefore believes the current must have driven them a good deal to the S.S.E. In the afternoon the water suddenly became very smooth and pale; after sunset they cast the lead in 40 fathom of fine sand but could see no land.
Chapter 39
What did the crew see and resolve on 13–15 June after sighting land?
On 13 June they sighted a low-lying coast with small hills, and a separate stretch of land farther west, anchoring in 29 fathom. On 14 June they anchored near the westernmost land, sent a boat to sound inshore, flew the white flag, and saw smoke inland but no natives, houses or vessels. On 15 June a Plenary Council resolved to explore the land to the north-west and seek knowledge of Timor.
Chapter 39
What did the 1636 journal record about the land and its inhabitants along the coast?
The journal repeatedly notes great clouds of smoke and many fires inland, but no fruit-trees, houses, vessels or natives; the land seemed quite wild. The coast was low and chiefly level, thickly covered with trees, with a sandy beach and rocks and reefs along the shore. The men found good anchoring-ground of 3½ fathom until they reached the reefs, and strong surf where wind and current opposed each other.
Chapter 39
Section 404 cards
Why did the crew of the two yachts lose their anchors on 16–17 May?
Violent E.S.E. squalls caused the lanyard-pulley to break and the anchor-cable to snap about three fathoms from the anchor. The Wesel also lost an anchor when its buoy-rope broke close to the anchor. On weighing the anchors, the crews found the cables had also been damaged by rubbing against hidden stones and rocks.
Chapter 40
Why had the Dutch not landed to look for natives along this coast?
Both of the yachts' boats were stove in and had to be thoroughly overhauled before use. The men did inspect the shore by paddling the orangbay close along it, but saw no men, houses, fruit-trees or prows. The author's narrative records that they waited in vain to sight or parley with natives.
Chapter 40
What did the Dutch resolve on 21 May when the wind prevented them from making the land?
The wind blew from the S.E. by S., so they could not make the land again. They resolved to run N.E., shaping course N.N.E. to touch at Timor, with the help of Almighty God, and take surveyings of the same. They estimated the Roode Hoeck S.S.E. of them at six miles at sunset.
Chapter 40
How does the chapter describe the reef near the Roode Hoeck?
The reef runs out to sea northward from the Roode Hoeck for upwards of two miles, and from there far to westward, upwards of 1½ mile from the land. It consists of sandy shoals with a small hill or rock above water; alongside it the depth was 7, 6, 5 and 4 fathom over an uneven bottom.
Chapter 40
Section 413 cards
Why did the Council dispatch the Leeuwerik to Banda in June 1648?
Ships from Banda reported poor rice crops, and Governor Cornelis Willemse van Outhoorn feared serious scarcity if supplies from Batavia were long delayed. The Council resolved on an express shipment, chiefly hoping that if the voyage succeeded it could be repeated yearly after the first ships arrived, keeping Banda duly supplied with rice and other necessaries.
Chapter 41
What did the 1649 letter report about the Leeuwerik's voyage to Banda?
The Governors-General and Councillors told the Managers of the E.I.C. that the undertaking had succeeded to their complete satisfaction and the great joy of the Banda people. They judged it of great advantage to the Company, since shipwreck or other accidents would no longer prevent sending succour and supplies to Banda along this newly discovered route, accomplished in two months and 23 days.
Chapter 41
What record-keeping did the instructions require of Skipper Jan Jansz Zeeuw?
He was earnestly enjoined to keep a complete and elaborate journal of the voyage, observe the direction of the winds, the trend of the coasts, and the situation of bays, inlets and capes, and properly note and make drawings of the same. The aim was a full report furnishing fresh material for correcting the charts in use and perhaps the courses kept.
Chapter 41
Section 423 cards
What happened to the Vergulden Draak in 1656, and how many men were lost or stranded?
The yacht den Vergulden Draeck ran aground on the South-land in 30 2/3 degrees on April 28, 1656. Its cargo was entirely lost, 118 crewmen perished, and 69 men who reached shore remained stranded there. Seven men in the cock-boat arrived at Batavia on June 7 to report the disaster.
Chapter 42
What did the 1658 expedition of the Waeckende Boeij and Emeloort find?
Dispatched January 1, 1658, the galiots returned April 19 after being separated and each exploring the coast near the disaster site. They sent boats ashore and fired many cannon shots day and night but found no Netherlanders and no traces of the wreck except a few planks and similar remnants, undoubtedly from the lost ship. Their journals and charts were forwarded to the Managers.
Chapter 42
Why does Heeres omit printing the full 1658 journals of the two skippers?
Heeres states he deemed it needless to print the journals because Major's Terra Australis refers to them on pp. 77-90 and gives the substance of their information, while Leupe's Zuidland printed certain parts. He argues the charts made on the expedition, carefully reproduced in his work, give a more convenient survey of the results, the journals otherwise containing little of interest for his purpose.
Chapter 42
Section 434 cards
What landmarks did Volckersen give for the South-land's west coast?
Volckersen gives two certain landmarks. First, about 11 degrees of compass variation means you are no more than 18 or 20 miles from land. Second, floating rock-weed assures you of sounding bottom at 70, 60, 50, 40, 30 fathom or less.
Chapter 43
What did the Elburg's men find near Leeuwinnen cape in 1658?
After anchoring in 20 fathom round a projecting point in 33° 14' S.L., the skipper, a steersman, a sergeant and six soldiers landed. They found three black men hung with skins, like those at the Cape of Good Hope, but could not parley. Inland they found a burning fire, assagays, three stone hammers, empty huts, fresh-water rills and red gum.
Chapter 43
How did the Elburg come to anchor off the South-land?
The flute Elburgh, master Jacob Pietersz. Peereboom, struck the South-land in 31½ degrees S.L., estimated longitude 117°. About 2½ miles from land, strong wind and a hollow sea forced her to anchor in 22 fathom, not without great peril of being lost. After 12 days' hard trying they got off into the open.
Chapter 43
What was De Vlamingh's 1696-97 expedition instructed to investigate?
The Heeren XVII resolved in November and December 1695 to send a flotilla to the South-land or land of d'Eendracht, starting from the Cape of Good Hope. Willem De Vlamingh was appointed commander-in-chief. He was also instructed to inquire into the fate of the ship de Ridderschap van Holland, which had miscarried on her voyage from the Cape to Batavia in 1694.
Chapter 43
Section 444 cards
What did De Vlamingh's men find on a pole near the South-land in 1697?
On an island in 25° S.L. near the South-land they found a half-rotten but still erect pole bearing a flattened pewter dish nailed to it. The dish was engraved with a legible inscription recording that Dirck Hartog's ship den Eendragt of Amsterdam arrived there on 25 October 1616 and sailed for Bantam on the 27th.
Chapter 44
What did the Batavia letter report about the South-land's land, people, and animals?
The letter says the expedition found little beyond an arid, barren and wild land, both near the shore and inland, and met no human beings, though fires were seen afar and some men fancied they glimpsed naked blacks they could never approach or parley with. No peculiar animals or birds were found except black swans in the Swaene-revier; three brought to Batavia alive all died soon after arrival.
Chapter 44
What did De Vlamingh's expedition leave behind in 1697, and what became of the dishes?
They erected a new pole with a flattened pewter dish nailed to it, engraved with an inscription recording the arrival on 4 February 1697 of de Geelvinck under Willem de Vlaming, the hooker de Nijptang and the galiot 't Weseltje, and their departure on the 12th to explore the South-land for Batavia. The old dish was sent to the Netherlands; the editor notes it seems no longer extant, and the new one was later taken to Paris and also seems lost.
Chapter 44
What did the expedition conclude about the lost ship de Ridderschap van Hollant?
The letter states that, so far as they knew, the expedition met with no vestiges of the lost ship de Ridderschap van Hollant or of any other vessels, either in those parts or near the islands of Amsterdam and St. Paulo. It sums up that nothing of any importance was discovered on this exploratory voyage.
Chapter 44
Section 454 cards
What route did the Vossenbosch follow after leaving Timor in 1705?
The instructions directed the Vossenbosch, with the pinnace de Waijer and patchiallang Nieuw Holland, to sail from Timor's north-eastern extremity south-east to 11° S. Lat. and 148½° Longitude, then eastward in sight of Van Diemensland, following the coast past Aarnemsland, the Drooge eyland, Van der Lijns eiland, Lemmens bogt, Abel Tasmans baay, and Cape Van Diemen, then along Carpentaria northward.
Chapter 45
What precautions did the 1705 instructions require when examining possible passages?
Officers were to diligently observe whether any passage ran from the outside to the inside, regarding both Nova Guinea and Hollandia Nova. Such passages were never to be examined by the frigate or flute, only by a pinnace or patchiallang, never farther than experienced sailors deemed safe for return, and never so far as to lose anchoring depth.
Chapter 45
What did the instructions say about taking indigenous people from Nova Hollandia?
If the crews encountered unknown Indians in Nova Hollandia, they might, without violence or risk and of the Indians' own free will, bring two or three back, as such men might prove useful in later voyages. The instructions left this entirely to the commander's own judgment and discretion, as circumstances shaped themselves.
Chapter 45
What fallback did the instructions allow if the full bight of Nova Hollandia could not be made?
If adverse weather or ship defects prevented completing the whole bight so as to return to Banda by the end of September, the commander of the Vossenbosch was empowered, with the ship's council's advice, to cross from the Drooge eylant to the Meeuen river, nearly N.W. and S.E. of each other, shortening the voyage — provided no other means could be found.
Chapter 45
Section 464 cards
What was the purpose of the 1721-1722 West-India Company voyage under Jacob Roggeveen?
The West-India Company sent the ships Arend, Tienhoven, and African Galley, commanded by Jacob Roggeveen with Jan Koster, Cornelis Bouman, and Roelof Rosendaal, on an exploratory voyage to the unknown part of the world in the South Sea westward of America. They sailed from the Texel on August 1, 1721, touched at Paasch-eiland and the Paumatos and Samoa groups, and reached Java along New Guinea's north coast.
Chapter 46
Why did the Zeewijk run aground on the Tortelduif reef in June 1727?
The Zeewijk, commanded by Jan Steijns, sailed from the Netherlands on November 7, 1726, and from the Cape on April 21, 1727. On June 9 it struck the reef before the islands called Fredrik Houtmans Abriolhos near the South-land in 29° S.L. The Governor-General and Council found Steijns had recklessly sailed near the South-land against instructions and steersmen's protests.
Chapter 46
What did the Zeewijk's crew do after the wreck, and what did the Council accuse Steijns of?
Favoured by good weather, the men saved necessaries from the wreck and built a kind of vessel from loosened woodwork, setting out March 26 and reaching Sunda Strait on April 21, 1728. The Governor-General and Council also found Steijns had tried to impose on his superiors with falsified journals to conceal his grievous mistake.
Chapter 46
What did the 1756 Rijder and Buijs expedition report, and what survives of it?
The ships Rijder and Buijs, commanded by Lieutenant Jean Etienne Gonzal and First Lavienne Lodewijk van Asschens, sailed from Batavia on February 8, 1756, for the Gulf of Carpentaria. Master Cartographer Gerrit de Haan reported on the voyage to the Governor-General and Council on September 30, 1756, referring to annexed charts. Heeres notes he found neither those charts nor any journals of the expedition.
Chapter 46
Section 473 cards
Why did the ships Buijs and Rijder separate near the Banda islands?
A violent storm off the Banda islands on March 26 separated them. The Buijs could not stand out to sea and entered the port of Banda on March 28. The Rijder held out with fore- and mizen-sails struck until the weather improved, and, not knowing the Buijs had returned to port, continued her voyage.
Chapter 47
What did the Rijder's crew find on first landing on the Australian coast?
On April 17 they went ashore to learn the nature of the coast. They found cabins built of tree bark, a man who fled into the wood, a small bark prow, fishing-tackle, and assagays made of tree branches 4 to 9 feet long tipped with sharpened bone. Fishing-lines were twisted from fibrous bark with pointed beast claws instead of hooks. The land had tall grass, fresh-water rills, and tall straight trees.
Chapter 47
How did the Dutch attempt to capture natives on May 27-28, and what happened?
On May 27 they landed to seize one or two natives but failed because they landed too late to lure them to the beach. On May 28 the natives came dancing and singing and accepted liquor; while they made merry, the Dutch seized two. The others threw assagays, slightly wounding the ship's clerk in the hand; the Dutch fired a volley, wounding one native. One captive escaped by biting and tearing loose; one was carried to the boat.
Chapter 47
Section 484 cards
What did the Dutch crew find at Rijders waterplaats on June 2?
The boat sent ashore reported an excellent watering-place close by where water rushed down the rocks, plus a fine inland lake near which the men saw many birds of various kinds and foot-prints of large animals. The spot was named Rijders waterplaats, situated in 12° 57' S. Latitude.
Chapter 48
How did the encounter with natives near de Rijdershoek on June 15 unfold?
Two men in a canoe signaled the Dutch ashore, then fled into the bush. Eleven men and five females returned armed with assagays and tried to take the sailors' hats; when prevented, they prepared to throw weapons. The Dutch fired a shot, and all fled except a youth, whom they carried on board along with the canoe.
Chapter 48
Why did the crew resolve to leave on June 16?
They departed because the season was passing and they could only with great difficulty make headway or run higher, and besides they had only two anchors and cables left. They shaped course westward for Aarnems land, taking latitude 13° 3' South at noon.
Chapter 48
What did the Dutch observe about the natives' way of life and the country?
The natives mainly subsist on roots of trees and wild fruits such as batatas or oubis, with small quantities of fish caught in canoes. They seemed to have some knowledge of gold when lumps were shown them. The country looked promising and would probably prove very fertile when cultivated; round by the south the natives are somewhat more tractable than those farther northward.
Chapter 48
Section 494 cards
Why did the crew of the de Buys abandon the search for their missing boat?
They waited from 30 April until 12 May, firing guns and keeping a light at the top-mast, but finally resolved to depart because their stock of water and firewood would not allow of waiting longer. The boat carried two steersmen (Hendrick Snijders and Pieter van der Meulen), one quartermaster and five common sailors.
Chapter 49
What did the de Buys sight on 23 April, and how did it change the charted position?
She sighted the land of Carpentaria and the so-called Cape Keerweer, in observed latitude 12° 58' South. The land was thus found to be at least 12 miles more to eastward than it was believed to be. They sounded sandy bottom at depths of 20, 18, 15, 13, 12 and 11½ fathom, anchoring at the last shortly after sunset.
Chapter 49
What happened to the ship's anchors on 25 June, and what did the crew decide?
At daybreak, while weighing anchor, the cable snapped off and the buoy disappeared, so they lost their third anchor and had only one left. They therefore resolved to call at the island of Timor and shaped their course N.W. by W. over depths of 11, 10, 10½ and 8 fathom, then steered into deeper water.
Chapter 49
What features did the de Buys observe along the coast between 26 and 27 April?
On 26 April they came upon a deep bay or bight named Vliegenbaay, whose north corner is known as Aschens hoek, and saw smoke columns, possibly men and cabins. On 27 April they saw a river with an island off its mouth, known as Batavia River and Buys Eijland, and repeatedly saw columns of smoke rising from the land.
Chapter 49
Section 503 cards
Why did Gonzal's crew fail to land on the coast of Nova Hollandia?
According to W. G. de Haan's report of September 30, 1756, no landing was effected on the coast of Nova Hollandia because the crew of the bark de Rijder had only one anchor left, so landing was judged too hazardous. De Haan also notes that no exploration of the interior was undertaken, contrary to the instructions given to Lieutenant Jean Etienne Gonzal.
Chapter 50
How does de Haan characterize first mate Aschens's reports?
De Haan states that Aschens's statements and annotations are so misleading that it is evident at first sight he can never have had first-hand knowledge or an ocular view of the matters he refers to. He notes Aschens was hardly ever nearer than 3 miles off the land, yet pretended to have seen a river, a small island before its mouth, natives and cabins, which de Haan considers impossible on such a level coast.
Chapter 50
What did Aschens do contrary to the Company's orders, according to de Haan?
De Haan reports that Aschens, in command of the small bark de Buys, made no landing on the coast, and that contrary to the orders of the Honourable Worships he sailed along it from south to north for a distance of 40 miles before the mishap of the loss of the boat occurred. De Haan refers to an annexed rough sketch chart of the coast sent in by Aschens, which the editor says he could not find.
Chapter 50
Source and licence
Text used: Project Gutenberg eBook #17450 (Public domain in the United States). Generated from the full text; cards paraphrase the source.
Version: Public domain edition. Retrieved 2026-10-26. Cards reviewed 2026-10-26.
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